Background The forms of
parish worship in the late mediaeval church in England, which followed the
Latin Roman Rite, varied according to local practice. By far the most common form, or "use", found in Southern England was that of
Sarum (Salisbury). There was no single book; the services provided by the
Book of Common Prayer were found in the
Missal (the
Eucharist), the
Breviary (
daily offices), Manual (the occasional services of
baptism, marriage, burial etc.), and
Pontifical (services appropriate to a
bishop –
confirmation,
ordination). The chant (
plainsong,
plainchant) for worship was contained in the
Roman Gradual for the
Mass, the
Antiphonale for the offices, and the
Processionale for the
litanies. The
Book of Common Prayer has never contained prescribed music or chant, but in 1550
John Merbecke produced his
Booke of Common Praier noted, which sets much of Mattins, Evensong, Holy Communion and the Burial Office in the Prayer Book to simple plainchant, generally inspired by Sarum Use. The work of producing a
liturgy in English was largely done by
Thomas Cranmer,
Archbishop of Canterbury, starting cautiously in the reign of
Henry VIII (1509–1547) and then more radically under his son
Edward VI (1547–1553). In his early days, Cranmer was a conservative
humanist and an admirer of
Erasmus. After 1531, Cranmer's contacts with
reformers from continental Europe helped change his outlook. The
Exhortation and Litany, the earliest English-language service of the Church of England, was the first overt manifestation of his changing views. It was no mere translation from the Latin, instead making its
Protestant character clear by the drastic reduction of the place of
saints, compressing what had been the major part into three petitions. Published in 1544, the
Exhortation and Litany borrowed greatly from
Martin Luther's Litany and
Myles Coverdale's New Testament and was the only service that might be considered Protestant to have been finished within Henry VIII's lifetime.
1549 prayer book (1489–1556), editor and co-author of the first and second Books of Common Prayer Only after Henry VIII's death and the accession of Edward VI in 1547 could revision of prayer books proceed faster. Despite conservative opposition, Parliament passed the
Act of Uniformity on 21 January 1549, and the newly authorised
Book of Common Prayer (BCP) was required to be in use by
Whitsunday (Pentecost), 9 June. Cranmer is "credited [with] the overall job of editorship and the overarching structure of the book," though he borrowed and adapted material from other sources. The prayer book had provisions for the daily offices (Morning and Evening Prayer), scripture readings for Sundays and holy days, and services for
Communion, public
baptism,
confirmation,
matrimony,
visitation of the sick, burial,
purification of women upon childbirth, and
Ash Wednesday. An
ordinal for
ordination services of
bishops,
priests, and
deacons was added in 1550. There was also a
calendar and
lectionary, which meant a Bible and a
Psalter were the only other books a priest required. The BCP represented a "major theological shift" in England towards Protestantism. Cranmer's doctrinal concerns can be seen in the systematic amendment of source material to remove any idea that merit contributes to salvation. The doctrines of
justification by faith and
predestination are central to Cranmer's theology. These doctrines are implicit throughout the prayer book and had important implications for his understanding of the
sacraments. Cranmer believed that someone who was not one of God's
elect received only the outward form of the sacrament (washing in baptism or eating bread in Communion), not actual
grace, with only the elect receiving the sacramental sign and the grace. Cranmer held the position that faith, a gift given only to the elect, united the outward sign of sacrament and its inward grace, with only the unity of the two making the sacrament effective. This position was in agreement with the Reformed churches but in opposition to Roman Catholic and Lutheran views. As a compromise with conservatives, the word
Mass was kept, with the service titled "The Supper of the Lord and the Holy Communion, commonly called the Mass". The service also preserved much of the Mass's mediaeval structure –
stone altars remained, the clergy wore traditional
vestments, much of the service was sung, and the priest was instructed to put the communion wafer into communicants' mouths instead of in their hands. Nevertheless, the first BCP was a "radical" departure from traditional worship in that it "eliminated almost everything that had till then been central to lay Eucharistic piety". A priority for Protestants was to replace the Roman Catholic teaching that the
Mass was a sacrifice to God ("the very same sacrifice as that of the cross") with the Protestant teaching that it was a service of thanksgiving and spiritual communion with Christ. Cranmer's intention was to suppress Catholic notions of sacrifice and
transubstantiation in the Mass. To stress this, there was no
elevation of the consecrated bread and wine, and
eucharistic adoration was prohibited. The elevation had been the central moment of the mediaeval Mass, attached as it was to the idea of
real presence. Cranmer's eucharistic theology was close to the Calvinist
spiritual presence view, and can be described as
Receptionism and Virtualism: the real presence of Jesus by the power of the Holy Spirit. The words of administration in the 1549 rite are deliberately ambiguous; they can be understood as identifying the bread with the body of Christ or (following Cranmer's theology) as a prayer that the communicant might spiritually receive the body of Christ by faith. Many of the other services were little changed. Cranmer based his baptism service on
Martin Luther's service, a simplification of the long and complex mediaeval rite. Like communion, the baptism service maintained a traditional form. The
confirmation and marriage services followed the Sarum rite. There are also remnants of prayer for the dead and the
Requiem Mass, such as the provision for celebrating holy communion at a funeral. Cranmer's work of simplification and revision was also applied to the Daily Offices, which were reduced to
Morning and
Evening Prayer. Cranmer hoped these would also serve as a
daily form of prayer to be used by the laity, thus replacing both the late mediaeval lay observation of the Latin
Hours of the Virgin and its English-language equivalent
primers.
1552 prayer book From the outset, the 1549 book was intended only as a temporary expedient, as German reformer
Bucer was assured on meeting Cranmer for the first time in April 1549: "concessions ... made both as a respect for antiquity and to the infirmity of the present age", as he wrote. According to historian Christopher Haigh, the 1552 prayer book "broke decisively with the past". The services for baptism, confirmation, communion and burial are rewritten, and ceremonies hated by Protestants were removed. Unlike the 1549 version, the 1552 prayer book removed many traditional sacramentals and observances that reflected belief in the
blessing and
exorcism of people and objects. In the baptism service, infants no longer receive
minor exorcism.
Anointing is no longer included in the services for baptism, ordination and
visitation of the sick. These ceremonies are altered to emphasise the importance of faith, rather than trusting in rituals or objects. Many of the traditional elements of the communion service were removed in the 1552 version. The name of the service was changed to "The Order for the Administration of the Lord's Supper or Holy Communion", removing the word
Mass. Stone altars were replaced with communion tables positioned in the chancel or nave, with the priest standing on the north side. The priest is to wear the
surplice instead of traditional Mass vestments. The service appears to promote a
spiritual presence view of the Eucharist, meaning that Christ is spiritually but not corporally present. There was controversy over how people should receive communion: kneeling or seated.
John Knox protested against kneeling. Ultimately, it was decided that communicants should continue to kneel, but the Privy Council ordered that the
Black Rubric be added to the prayer book to clarify the purpose of kneeling. The rubric denied "any
real and essential presence ... of Christ's natural flesh and blood" in the Eucharist and was the clearest statement of eucharistic theology in the prayer book. The 1552 service removed any reference to the "body of Christ" in the words of administration to reinforce the teaching that Christ's presence in the Eucharist was a spiritual presence and, in the words of historian Peter Marshall, "limited to the subjective experience of the communicant". Instead of
communion wafers, the prayer book instructs that ordinary bread is to be used "to take away the superstition which any person hath, or might have". To further emphasise there is no holiness in the bread and wine, any leftovers are to be taken home by the
curate for ordinary consumption. This prevented
eucharistic adoration of the
reserved sacrament above the high altar. The burial service was removed from the church. It was to now take place at the graveside. In 1549, there had been provision for a
Requiem (not so called) and prayers of commendation and committal, the first addressed to the deceased. All that remained was a single reference to the deceased, giving thanks for their delivery from 'the myseryes of this sinneful world.' This new Order for the Burial of the Dead is a drastically stripped-down memorial service designed to undermine definitively the whole complex of traditional Catholic beliefs about
Purgatory and intercessory
prayer for the dead. The Orders of
Morning and
Evening Prayer are extended by the inclusion of a penitential section at the beginning including a corporate confession of sin and a general
absolution, although the text is printed only in Morning Prayer with
rubrical directions to use it in the evening as well. The general pattern of Bible reading in the 1549 edition is retained (as it was in 1559) except that distinct Old and New Testament readings are now specified for Morning and Evening Prayer on certain feast days. A revised
English Primer was published in 1553, adapting the Offices, Morning and Evening Prayer, and other prayers for lay domestic piety. The 1552 book was used only for a short period, as Edward VI died in the summer of 1553 and, as soon as she could do so,
Mary I restored union with Rome. The Latin Mass was reestablished, with altars,
roods, and statues of saints reinstated in an attempt to restore the English Church to its
Roman affiliation. Cranmer was punished for his work in the
English Reformation by being burned at the stake on 21 March 1556. Nevertheless, the 1552 book survived. After Mary's death in 1558, it became the primary source for the Elizabethan Book of Common Prayer, with only subtle, if significant, changes. Hundreds of English Protestants fled into exile, establishing an English church in
Frankfurt am Main. A bitter and very public dispute ensued between those, such as
Edmund Grindal and
Richard Cox, who wished to preserve in exile the exact form of worship of the 1552 Prayer Book, and those, such as the minister of the congregation
John Knox, who saw that book as still partially tainted by compromise. In 1555, the civil authorities expelled Knox and his supporters to
Geneva, where they adopted a new prayer book,
The Form of Prayers, which principally derived from Calvin's French-language
La Forme des Prières. Consequently, when the accession of
Elizabeth I reasserted the dominance of the Reformed Church of England, a significant body of more Protestant believers remained who were nevertheless hostile to the
Book of Common Prayer. Knox took
The Form of Prayers with him to
Scotland, where it formed the basis of the Scottish
Book of Common Order.
1559 prayer book Under
Elizabeth I, a more permanent enforcement of the reformed Church of England was undertaken and the 1552 book was republished, scarcely altered, in 1559. The Prayer Book of 1552 "was a masterpiece of theological engineering." The doctrines in the Prayer Book and the
Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion as set forth in 1559 would set the tone of Anglicanism, which preferred to steer a
via media ("middle way") between
Lutheranism and
Calvinism. The conservative nature of these changes underlines the fact that Reformed principles were by no means universally popular – a fact that the Queen recognised. Her revived
Act of Supremacy, giving her the ambiguous title of
supreme governor, passed without difficulty, but the
Act of Uniformity 1558, giving statutory force to the Prayer Book, passed through the House of Lords by only three votes in 1559. It made constitutional history in being imposed by the laity alone, as all the bishops, except those imprisoned by the Queen and unable to attend, voted against it. Convocation had made its position clear by affirming the traditional doctrine of the Eucharist, the authority of the Pope, and the reservation by divine law to clergy "of handling and defining concerning the things belonging to faith, sacraments, and discipline ecclesiastical." After these innovations and reversals, the new forms of Anglican worship took several decades to gain acceptance, but by the end of her reign in 1603, 70–75% of the English population were on board. The alterations, though minor, were, however, to cast a long shadow over the development of the
Church of England. It would be a long road back for the Church, with no clear indication that it would retreat from the 1559 Settlement except for minor official changes. In one of the first moves to undo Cranmer's liturgy, the Queen insisted that the Words of Administration of Communion from the 1549 Book be placed before the Words of Administration in the 1552 Book, thereby re-opening the issue of the
Real Presence. At the administration of the Holy Communion, the words from the 1549 book, "the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ ...," were combined with the words of
Edward VI's second Prayer Book of 1552, "Take, eat in remembrance ...," "suggesting on the one hand a real presence to those who wished to find it and on the other, the communion as memorial only," i.e. an objective presence and subjective reception. The 1559 Prayer Book, however, retained the truncated Prayer of Consecration of the Communion elements, which omitted any notion of objective sacrifice. It was preceded by the Proper Preface and Prayer of Humble Access (placed there to remove any implication that the Communion was a sacrifice to God). The Prayer of Consecration was followed by Communion, the
Lord's Prayer, and a Prayer of Thanksgiving or an optional Prayer of Oblation whose first line included a petition that God would "...accepte this our Sacrifice of prayse and thankes geuing...". The latter prayer was removed (a longer version followed the Words of the Institution in the 1549 Rite) "to avoid any suggestion of the sacrifice of the Mass." The Marian Bishop Scot opposed the 1552 Book "on the grounds it never makes any connection between the bread and the Body of Christ". "Untrue though [his accusation] was, the restoration of the 1549 Words of Distribution emphasized its falsity." However, beginning in the 17th century, some prominent Anglican theologians tried to cast a more traditional Catholic interpretation onto the text as a Commemorative Sacrifice and Heavenly Offering despite the lack of such wording in the Rite.
Cranmer had been aware that the Eucharist from the mid-second century on had been regarded as the Church's offering to God, but he removed the sacrificial language anywayn. It was not until the Anglican
Oxford Movement of the mid-19th century and later 20th-century revisions that the Church of England would attempt to deal with the eucharistic doctrines of Cranmer by bringing the Church back to "pre-Reformation doctrine." In the meantime, the Scottish and American Prayer Books not only reverted to the 1549 text, but even to the older
Roman and
Eastern Orthodox pattern by adding the
Oblation and an
Epiclesis – i.e. the congregation offers itself in union with Christ at the
Consecration and receives Him in Communion – while retaining the
Calvinist notions of "may be for us" rather than "become" and the emphasis on "bless and sanctify us" (the tension between the Catholic stress on objective
Real Presence and Protestant subjective worthiness of the communicant). However, these Rites asserted a kind of Virtualism in regard to the Real Presence while making the Eucharist a material sacrifice because of the oblation, and the retention of "may be for us the Body and Blood of thy Savior" rather than "become" thus eschewing any suggestion of a change in the natural substance of bread and wine. Another move, the "
Ornaments Rubric", related to what clergy were to wear while conducting services. Instead of the banning of all vestments except the
rochet for bishops and the
surplice for parish clergy, it permitted "such ornaments ... as were in use ... in the second year of King Edward VI." This allowed substantial leeway for more traditionalist clergy to retain the vestments which they felt were appropriate to liturgical celebration, namely Mass vestments such as
albs,
chasubles,
dalmatics,
copes,
stoles, maniples, etc. (at least until the Queen gave further instructions, as per the text of the
Act of Uniformity of 1559). The
rubric also stated that the Communion service should be conducted in the 'accustomed place,' namely a Table against the wall with the priest facing it. The rubric was placed at the section regarding
Morning and
Evening Prayer in this Prayer Book and in the 1604 and 1662 Books. It was to be the basis of claims in the 19th century that vestments such as chasubles, albs and stoles were canonically permitted. The instruction to the congregation to kneel when receiving communion was retained, but the
Black Rubric (#29 in the
Forty-Two Articles of Faith, which were later reduced to 39) which denied any "real and essential presence" of Christ's flesh and blood, was removed to "conciliate traditionalists" and aligned with the Queen's sensibilities. The removal of the Black Rubric complements the double set of Words of Administration at the time of communion and permits an action – kneeling to receive – which people were used to doing. Therefore, nothing at all was stated in the Prayer Book about a theory of the
Presence or forbidding reverence or adoration of Christ via the bread and wine in the
Sacrament. On this issue, however, the Prayer Book was at odds with the repudiation of
transubstantiation and the forbidden carrying about of the Blessed Sacrament in the Thirty-Nine Articles. As long as one did not subscribe publicly to or assert the latter, one was left to hold whatever opinion one wanted on the former. The Queen herself was famous for saying she was not interested in "looking in the windows of men's souls." Among Cranmer's innovations, retained in the new Prayer Book, was the requirement of weekly Holy Communion services. In practice, as before the English
Reformation, many received communion rarely, as little as once a year in some cases;
George Herbert estimated it at no more than six times per year. Practice, however, varied from place to place. Very high attendance at festivals was the order of the day in many parishes and in some, regular communion was very popular; in other places families stayed away or sent "a servant to be the liturgical representative of their household." Few parish clergy were initially licensed by the bishops to preach; in the absence of a licensed preacher, Sunday services were required to be accompanied by reading one of the
homilies written by Cranmer. George Herbert was, however, not alone in his enthusiasm for preaching, which he regarded as one of the prime functions of a parish priest. Music was much simplified, and a radical distinction developed between, on the one hand, parish worship, where only the
metrical psalms of Sternhold and Hopkins might be sung, and, on the other hand, worship in churches with organs and surviving choral foundations, where the music of
John Marbeck and others was developed into a rich choral tradition. The whole act of parish worship might take well over two hours, and accordingly, churches were equipped with
pews in which households could sit together (whereas in the medieval church, men and women had worshipped separately).
Diarmaid MacCulloch describes the new act of worship as "a morning marathon of prayer, scripture reading, and praise, consisting of
mattins, litany, and ante-communion, preferably as the matrix for a sermon to proclaim the message of scripture anew week by week." Many ordinary churchgoers – that is, those who could afford one, as it was expensive – would own a copy of the Prayer Book. Judith Maltby cites a story of parishioners at
Flixton in Suffolk who brought their own Prayer Books to church in order to shame their
vicar into conforming with it. They eventually ousted him. Between 1549 and 1642, roughly 290 editions of the Prayer Book were produced. Before the end of the
English Civil War (1642–1651) and the introduction of the 1662 prayer book, something like a half a million prayer books are estimated to have been in circulation. The 1559 prayer book was also translated into other languages within the English sphere of influence. A translation into Latin was made in the form of
Walter Haddon's
Liber Precum Publicarum of 1560. Intended for use in the worship of the collegiate chapels of Oxford, Cambridge,
Eton, and
Winchester, it was resisted by some Protestants. The
Welsh edition of the Book of Common Prayer for use in the
Church in Wales was published in 1567. It was translated by
William Salesbury assisted by
Richard Davies.
Changes in 1604 On Elizabeth's death in 1603, the 1559 book, substantially that of 1552 which had been regarded as offensive by some, such as Bishop
Stephen Gardiner, as being a break with the tradition of the Western Church, had come to be regarded in some quarters as unduly Catholic. On his accession and following the so-called "
Millenary Petition",
James I called the
Hampton Court Conference in 1604 – the same meeting of bishops and Puritan divines that initiated the
Authorized King James Version of the Bible. This was in effect a series of two conferences: (i) between James and the bishops; (ii) between James and the Puritans on the following day. The Puritans raised four areas of concern: purity of doctrine; the means of maintaining it; church government; and the
Book of Common Prayer. Confirmation, the cross in baptism, private baptism, the use of the surplice, kneeling for communion, reading the
Apocrypha; and subscription to the BCP and Articles were all touched on. On the third day, after James had received a report back from the bishops and made final modifications, he announced his decisions to the Puritans and bishops. The business of making the changes was then entrusted to a small committee of bishops and the Privy Council and, apart from tidying up details, this committee introduced into Morning and Evening Prayer a prayer for the royal family; added several thanksgivings to the Occasional Prayers at the end of the Litany; altered the rubrics of Private Baptism limiting it to the minister of the parish, or some other lawful minister, but still allowing it in private houses (the Puritans had wanted it only in the church); and added to the Catechism the section on the sacraments. The changes were put into effect by means of an explanation issued by James in the exercise of his prerogative under the terms of the 1559 Act of Uniformity and Act of Supremacy. The accession of
Charles I (1625–1649) brought about a complete change in the religious scene in that the new king used his supremacy over the established church "to promote his own idiosyncratic style of sacramental Kingship" which was "a very weird aberration from the first hundred years of the early reformed Church of England". He questioned "the populist and parliamentary basis of the Reformation Church" and unsettled to a great extent "the consensual accommodation of Anglicanism". These changes, along with a new edition of the Book of Common Prayer, led to the
Bishops' Wars and later to the
English Civil War. With the defeat of Charles I (1625–1649) in the Civil War, the Puritan pressure, exercised through a much-changed Parliament, had increased. Puritan-inspired petitions for the removal of the prayer book and episcopacy "
root and branch" resulted in local disquiet in many places and, eventually, the production of locally organised counter petitions. The parliamentary government had its way but it became clear that the division was not between Catholics and Protestants, but between Puritans and those who valued the Elizabethan settlement. The 1604 book was finally outlawed by Parliament in 1645 to be replaced by the
Directory of Public Worship, which was more a set of instructions than a prayer book. How widely the Directory was used is not certain; there is some evidence of its having been purchased, in
churchwardens' accounts, but not widely. The Prayer Book certainly was used clandestinely in some places, not least because the Directory made no provision at all for burial services. Following the execution of Charles I in 1649 and the establishment of the
Commonwealth under Lord Protector
Cromwell, the Prayer Book was not reinstated until shortly after the restoration of the monarchy to England.
John Evelyn records, in
Diary, receiving communion according to the 1604 Prayer Book rite:Christmas Day 1657. I went to London with my wife to celebrate Christmas Day. ... Sermon ended, as [the minister] was giving us the holy sacrament, the chapel was surrounded with soldiers, and all the communicants and assembly surprised and kept prisoners by them, some in the house, others carried away. ... These wretched miscreants held their muskets against us as we came up to receive the sacred elements, as if they would have shot us at the altar.
Changes made in Scotland In 1557, the Scots Protestant lords had adopted the English Prayer Book of 1552, for
reformed worship in Scotland. However, when
John Knox returned to Scotland in 1559, he continued to use the
Form of Prayer he had created for the English exiles in
Geneva and, in 1564, this supplanted the
Book of Common Prayer under the title of the
Book of Common Order. Following the accession of King
James VI of Scotland to the throne of England his son, King
Charles I, with the assistance of Archbishop Laud, sought to impose the prayer book on Scotland. The
1637 prayer book was not, however, the 1559 book but one much closer to that of 1549, the first book of Edward VI. First used in 1637, it was never accepted, having been
violently rejected by the Scots. During one reading of the book at the Holy Communion in
St Giles' Cathedral, the
Bishop of Brechin was forced to protect himself while reading from the book by pointing loaded pistols at the congregation. Following the
Wars of the Three Kingdoms (including the
English Civil War), the
Church of Scotland was re-established on a
presbyterian basis but by the Act of Comprehension 1690, the rump of
Episcopalians were allowed to hold onto their
benefices. For liturgy, they looked to Laud's book and in 1724 the first of the "wee bookies" was published, containing, for the sake of economy, the central part of the Communion liturgy beginning with the offertory. Between then and 1764, when a more formal revised version was published, a number of things happened which were to separate the Scottish Episcopal liturgy more firmly from either the English books of 1549 or 1559. First, informal changes were made to the order of the various parts of the service and inserting words indicating a sacrificial intent to the Eucharist clearly evident in the words, "we thy humble servants do celebrate and make before thy Divine Majesty with these thy holy gifts which we now OFFER unto thee, the memorial thy Son has commandeth us to make;" secondly, as a result of Bishop Rattray's researches into the liturgies of St James and St Clement, published in 1744, the form of the invocation was changed. These changes were incorporated into the 1764 book which was to be the liturgy of the
Scottish Episcopal Church (until 1911 when it was revised) but it was to influence the liturgy of the
Episcopal Church in the United States. A new revision was finished in 1929, the
Scottish Prayer Book 1929, and several alternative orders of the Communion service and other services have been prepared since then.
1662 prayer book The 1662 Prayer Book was printed two years after the restoration of the monarchy, following the
Savoy Conference between representative
Presbyterians and twelve bishops which was convened by royal warrant to "advise upon and review the
Book of Common Prayer". Attempts by the Presbyterians, led by
Richard Baxter, to gain approval for an alternative service book failed. Their major objections (exceptions) were: firstly, that it was improper for lay people to take any vocal part in prayer (as in the Litany or Lord's Prayer), other than to say "amen"; secondly, that no set prayer should exclude the option of an extempore alternative from the minister; thirdly, that the minister should have the option to omit part of the set liturgy at his discretion; fourthly, that short
collects should be replaced by longer prayers and exhortations; and fifthly, that all surviving "Catholic" ceremonial should be removed. The intent behind these suggested changes was to achieve a greater correspondence between liturgy and Scripture. The bishops gave a frosty reply. They declared that liturgy could not be circumscribed by Scripture, but rightfully included those matters which were "generally received in the Catholic church." They rejected extempore prayer as apt to be filled with "idle, impertinent, ridiculous, sometimes seditious, impious and blasphemous expressions." The notion that the Prayer Book was defective because it dealt in generalisations brought the crisp response that such expressions were "the perfection of the liturgy". The Savoy Conference ended in disagreement late in July 1661, but the initiative in prayer book revision had already passed to the
Convocations and from there to Parliament. The Convocations made some 600 changes, mostly of details, which were "far from partisan or extreme". However, Edwards states that more of the changes suggested by high Anglicans were implemented (though by no means all) and Spurr comments that (except in the case of the Ordinal) the suggestions of the "Laudians" (
Cosin and
Matthew Wren) were not taken up possibly due to the influence of moderates such as Sanderson and Reynolds. For example, the inclusion in the intercessions of the Communion rite of prayer for the dead was proposed and rejected. The introduction of "Let us pray for the whole state of Christ's Church militant here in earth" remained unaltered and only a thanksgiving for those "departed this life in thy faith and fear" was inserted to introduce the petition that the congregation might be "given grace so to follow their good examples that with them we may be partakers of thy heavenly kingdom". Griffith Thomas commented that the retention of the words "militant here in earth" defines the scope of this petition: we pray for ourselves, we thank God for them, and adduces collateral evidence to this end. Secondly, an attempt was made to restore the
Offertory. This was achieved by the insertion of the words "and oblations" into the prayer for the Church and the revision of the rubric so as to require the monetary offerings to be brought to the table (instead of being put in the poor box) and the bread and wine placed upon the table. Previously it had not been clear when and how bread and wine got onto the altar. The so-called "manual acts", whereby the priest took the bread and the cup during the prayer of consecration, which had been deleted in 1552, were restored; and an "amen" was inserted after the words of institution and before communion, hence separating the connections between consecration and communion which Cranmer had tried to make. After communion, the unused but consecrated bread and wine were to be reverently consumed in church rather than being taken away for the priest's own use. By such subtle means were Cranmer's purposes further confused, leaving it for generations to argue over the precise theology of the rite. One change made that constituted a concession to the Presbyterian Exceptions, was the updating and re-insertion of the so-called "
Black Rubric", which had been removed in 1559. This now declared that kneeling in order to receive communion did not imply adoration of the species of the Eucharist nor "to any Corporal Presence of Christ's natural Flesh and Blood" – which, according to the rubric, were in heaven, not here. While intended to create unity, the division established under the Commonwealth and the licence given by the Directory for Public Worship were not easily passed by. Unable to accept the new book, 936 ministers were deprived during the
Great Ejection. The actual language of the 1662 revision was little changed from that of Cranmer. With two exceptions, some words and phrases which had become archaic were modernised; secondly, the readings for the
epistle and
gospel at Holy Communion, which had been set out in full since 1549, were now set to the text of the 1611 Authorized King James Version of the Bible. The
Psalter, which had not been printed in the 1549, 1552 or 1559 books – was in 1662 provided in
Miles Coverdale's translation from the
Great Bible of 1538. It was this edition which was to be the official
Book of Common Prayer during the growth of the British Empire and, as a result, has been a great influence on the prayer books of Anglican churches worldwide,
liturgies of other denominations in English, and of the English people and language as a whole.
Further attempts at revision 1662–1832 and the arrival of
William III Between 1662 and the 19th century, further attempts to revise the
Book in England stalled. On the death of Charles II, his brother James, a Roman Catholic, became
James II. James wished to achieve toleration for those of his own Roman Catholic faith, whose practices were still banned. This, however, drew the Presbyterians closer to the Church of England in their common desire to resist 'popery'; talk of reconciliation and liturgical compromise was thus in the air. But with the flight of James in 1688 and the arrival of the Calvinist
William of Orange the position of the parties changed. The Presbyterians could achieve toleration of their practices without such a right being given to Roman Catholics and without, therefore, their having to submit to the Church of England, even with a
liturgy more acceptable to them. They were now in a much stronger position to demand changes that were ever more radical.
John Tillotson, Dean of Canterbury pressed the king to set up a commission to produce such a revision. The so-called
Liturgy of Comprehension of 1689, which was the result, conceded two thirds of the Presbyterian demands of 1661; but, when it came to
convocation the members, now more fearful of William's perceived agenda, did not even discuss it and its contents were, for a long time, not even accessible. This work, however, did go on to influence the prayer books of many British colonies.
1833–1906 , a leader of the
Oxford Movement By the 19th century, pressures to revise the 1662 book were increasing. Adherents of the
Oxford Movement, begun in 1833, raised questions about the relationship of the Church of England to the apostolic church and thus about its forms of worship. Known as
Tractarians after their production of
Tracts for the Times on theological issues, they advanced the case for the Church of England being essentially a part of the "Western Church", of which the Roman Catholic Church was the chief representative. The illegal use of elements of the Roman rite, the use of candles, vestments and incense – practices collectively known as
Ritualism – had become widespread and led to the establishment of a new system of discipline, intending to bring the "Romanisers" into conformity, through the
Public Worship Regulation Act 1874. The Act had no effect on illegal practices: five clergy were imprisoned for contempt of court and after the trial of the much loved Bishop
Edward King of Lincoln, it became clear that some revision of the
liturgy had to be embarked upon. One branch of the Ritualism movement argued that both "Romanisers" and their Evangelical opponents, by imitating, respectively, the Church of Rome and Reformed churches, transgressed the Ornaments Rubric of 1559 ("... that such Ornaments of the Church, and of the Ministers thereof, at all Times of their Ministration, shall be retained, and be in use, as were in this Church of England, by the Authority of Parliament, in the Second Year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth"). These adherents of ritualism, among whom were
Percy Dearmer and others, claimed that the Ornaments Rubric prescribed the ritual usages of the
Sarum Rite with the exception of a few minor things already abolished by the early reformation. Following a royal commission report in 1906, work began on a new prayer book. It took twenty years to complete, prolonged partly due to the demands of the
First World War and partly in the light of the 1920 constitution of the
Church Assembly, which "perhaps not unnaturally wished to do the work all over again for itself".
1906–2000 In 1927, the work on a new version of the prayer book reached its final form. In order to reduce conflict with traditionalists, it was decided that the form of service to be used would be determined by each congregation. With these open guidelines, the book was granted approval by the Church of England Convocations and Church Assembly in July 1927. However, it was defeated by the
House of Commons in 1928. The effect of the failure of the 1928 book was salutary: no further attempts were made to revise the
Book of Common Prayer. Instead a different process, that of producing an alternative book, led to the publication of Series 1, 2 and 3 in the 1960s, the 1980
Alternative Service Book and subsequently to the 2000
Common Worship series of books. Both differ substantially from the
Book of Common Prayer, though the latter includes in the Order Two form of the Holy Communion a very slight revision of the prayer book service, largely along the lines proposed for the 1928 Prayer Book. Order One follows the pattern of the modern
Liturgical Movement. ==In the Anglican Communion==