Transition into the 21st century Fundamental change of living conditions Between 1800 and 1950, the culture and way of living of the Canadian Inuit, who had not known any monetary system before, changed fundamentally. Complete self-sufficiency and independence were to a large extent replaced by dependence on goods of western industrialized countries, such as clothing, many kinds of foodstuffs, weapons, tools and technical equipment. This development was largely due to the fact that as hunters and trappers, they could develop only a low level of productivity that could not financially cover the Western way of living. Moreover, the products of the kill depended too much on market and fashion fluctuations, not to speak of concerns related to protection of species and of the environment. Post–World War II, the northern regions were increasingly incorporated into a
Cold War strategic defense concept, and military and radar stations of the
Distant Early Warning Line (DEW Line) were established. Although this developed the infrastructure and created jobs, it also led to a sudden urbanization that not every community could adapt to. Traditional ways of living were increasingly constrained and eliminated, with no provision made for the transition to the new way of living. The transitional difficulties were further enhanced, for example, by the fact that at the end of the 1940s, the Kivalliq Region had to be placed under
quarantine because of the appearance of serious infectious diseases such as
polio (for which there was as yet no
vaccine). At the same time, the caribou population west of Hudson Bay nearly perished. As a consequence, the Inuit of that area lost their food supply. Those Inuit still mostly living in camps faced an increasing threat from
tuberculosis; many who contracted the disease had to be treated in sanatoriums in the south. Many Inuit tried to continue their traditional way of living in their ancestral regions while adapting to the new conditions. But, they became more dependent on governmental welfare. The Canadian state had primarily scientific interest in its northern regions during the first half of the century. Beginning in the 1950s, it became concerned about three issues: military security requirements, discovery of economically important natural resources, and an increasing sensibility for the special concerns of the Inuit. The government felt the need to exercise governmental control and sovereignty over the territory. The Canadian government created a
Department of Indian Affairs and Natural Resources in 1953 (now
Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada). This department established social benefits such as unemployment aid, social welfare, care of the sick and of the elderly, child allowance, comprehensive educational and welfare programs of the industrial areas of Canada. At the same time, the Canadian government
forcibly moved many Inuit families from their traditional hunting grounds into new and empty areas, to reinforce claims of Canadian sovereignty.
Traditional customs Menstruation Traditionally, young
Inuit women received little information about puberty, fertility, and pregnancy. Consequently, elders describe that it was not uncommon for young women to remain in bed when they reached
menarche, believing that they were sick or physiologically different. Once informed, the young woman's mother would instruct her on
menstruation practices and often, the camp (or community) would become apprised of her situation. During menstruation, women were expected to follow certain practices including, 1) not sitting where men sat, 2) using rabbit skin, foxes or mosses and other garments, with the exception of men's garments, for
sanitary pads, and 3) laying rabbit skin on the bed at night to soak up blood. According to elders, women had to abide by more rules than men because of their menstruation and some rules were not only considered tradition, but also taboo if not followed. For example, using a man's garment for a sanitary pad could prevent the young woman from finding a husband for marriage.
Marriage Marriage commonly occurred when the woman reached 14–15 years of age and the man reached adulthood, considered around 20 years of age. The marriage was traditionally arranged by the parents of the couple, possibly as early as infanthood, and often reflected a desire to strengthen the bond between families. In some parts of the Arctic, men also practised the tradition of "stealing" their wife from a camp, symbolically showing that the family did not want the daughter to leave their camp. In these cases, the family would later celebrate together and the woman would then join the husband's territory. Before the arrival of
Christian missionaries, it was mostly the families who decided which children should marry whom, i.e.
arranged marriages. Marriages often served to strengthen family ties, and girls had no say in choosing their partners. Sometimes a young man who had not yet been pledged, sent to the parents of the girl, without being personally present in those negotiations. The wedding was completely unceremonial (the same was true for birthdays). After
Christianization, the only change was that now the couples also received Christian marriage ceremonies whenever a priest travelled their areas (often months after the actual marriage). When finally government administration had been established, marriages were also registered by the administration, initially by police officers, later by the local administrations. Since moving from the camps to the settlements, more couples live together without marriage. This way, they feel less tied but also less responsible. Into the 1970s, it was in no way unusual to make agreements regarding newborns about eventual marriages. However, when these promises of marriage became due, fifteen or twenty years later, they were taken less and less seriously. Before Christianization (referred to as
Siqqitiq by the Inuit),
polygamy, more often
polygyny, less so
polyandry, were not unusual among the Inuit. Extramarital relationships were accepted especially during extensive hunting trips, and there were so-called "lamp extinction games" with ritual partner exchanges. According to a popular theory, these traditions reduced the danger of
inbreeding and resulting
population bottleneck in small and isolated settlements. With colonization, these customs led to great conflicts: on one hand such traditions were thought by missionaries as
sinful, on the other, they were interpreted as sexual arbitrariness and taken advantage of, often leading to prostitution and sexual exploitation.
Family life The Inuit arrived in North America somewhere between 6000 BC and 2000 BC, they were one of the last groups to arrive to North America. Until the middle of the 20th century, i.e. until the move from disperse camps to settlements, the
sexual division of labour between men and women within the families and family groups in northern Canada was traditionally arranged fairly well, and rather different: The men were responsible for the acquisition of food, especially for hunting and fishing, and for technical work (including the construction of igloos, qarmaqs, and tents). The
Inuit women were predominantly in charge of intra-family concerns, such as caring for little children, taking care of the kill (conservation of meat, cleaning of furs, and the like), the sewing of clothing, fire keeping in the qulliq, etc. (their participation in hunting and fishing was limited). Whenever a family lost its breadwinner (for example in an accident), it was usually dependent on support by other families, and the widow was sometimes adopted as an additional wife by a close relative of the deceased (see
widow inheritance). However, due to men being required to sometimes travel large distances to obtain food the division was not absolute. Men, for example, would need to know how to sew in case repairs were needed to their clothing. At the same time, women were required to know how to hunt and be able to help with igloo building. The move from the camps to the settlements, which essentially took place during the 1950s, brought about significant changes in this respect: The Inuit now were immediate subjects of governmental administration and care (also social welfare). By occupations that were completely new to them, like in health care and local administration, but also in Inuit arts, the women with their earned money were able to contribute like the men to the livelihood of their families. Nowadays, the division of tasks and responsibilities between male and female Inuit are, following Canadian legislation, not very different from western industrialized nations, of which the Inuit are considered a part. In the Northwest Territories the first female premier was
Nellie Cournoyea, an Inuk. In Nunavut, female representatives and ministers are as common as their male counterparts. There are Inuit municipalities with female mayors, for example.
Health disparities Nunavummiut, 85% of whom identify as Inuit, experience wide gaps in health status and access. The people of Nunavut have a life expectancy which is more than 14 years shorter than the Canadian average (66.8 years vs. 81 years). This is likely affected by its astonishingly high suicide rate, which is eleven times the national average. The fertility rate is more than twice as high (3.3 vs. 1.5 nationally). This dovetails with Nunavut's high obesity rate, which stands at 45.4%- more than twice the national average of 21.8%. Its vast mineral resources and strategic proximity to the USSR brought rapid development to the region. Due to the fact that the infant is several weeks old when it arrives in its homeland, it is common for members of the community to shake the baby's hand to welcome him or her to the community. In the early 21st century, about half of Inuit women are flown out from Nunavut to southern hospitals for delivery, and evacuations consume more than 20% of the territory's health budget. They normally leave two to three weeks prior to their due date and return two to three weeks after birth. There are reports of Inuit women returning home after more than one month away to find their house in ruins and their other children poorly cared for. The centre is available for all communities in the Kitikmeot Region. However, higher risk and first-time mothers must still go to the hospital in Yellowknife.
Pregnancy behaviours and beliefs Pregnancy Young
Inuit women were discouraged from engaging in sexual intercourse until they reached "prime maternity age", after marriage, about 15. Once aware, it was important that the woman immediately divulge her pregnancy status to her mother, husband, and close community, as the Inuit believed that her status demanded special considerations and/or treatment to ensure the health of mother, baby, and camp. To prevent miscarriage, the husband and camp were to assure that the woman did not become mentally stressed or exhausted during the pregnancy. In pregnancy, women's care was traditionally guided by the taboos, known as
pittailiniq, from the elders in the community. These taboos informed the woman's behaviors and activities in order to prevent complications, promote a healthy birth, and ensure desired characteristics of the infant. For example, in regards to activity, the Inuit had many pittailiniq about maintaining physical activity throughout pregnancy and resisting idleness or laziness, which was believed to adversely affect labour and birth. In traditional Inuit birth culture, the birth event was handled almost exclusively by the midwife. In rare instances, the child might be considered
sipiniq (), meaning the infant is believed to have changed their physical sex from male to female at the moment of birth. This concept has primarily been historically attested in areas of the
Canadian Arctic, such as
Igloolik and
Nunavik. Once assessed by the midwife and/or sanaji, the infant was promptly given to the mother for initiation of breastfeeding. This far-reaching provision extended a full scope of practice regarding prenatal, birth, postpartum, and primary care to registered midwives. A second birth centre is housed within the Qikiqtani Hospital in
Iqaluit. The Qikiqtani birth centre handles the majority of births, which occur in Nunavut, about 400 per year. In pre-missionary times it was usual to give a newborn child the name of a close relative who had died shortly before. This way, ancestors could experience a kind of return to a new life in the child. This custom has survived to this day, although the traditional
animism religion has largely given way to Christianity. Since the move to the settlements, the dead are buried in cemeteries. All members of the community participate in requiems that last for hours, during which the towns appear deserted. Due to the frozen permafrost, burial sites are not deep, and are covered with rocks. Sometimes a blue plastic layer can be detected between the rocks. Here and there, a wooden box with a vitrified cover a few fading artificial flowers and other decorations can be seen. Crosses stand askew on the shifting permafrost. The inscriptions show that many of the dead are children, victims of accidents or natural disasters, and also suicides. Infrequently, there is a wooden hut outside of the town, where those that died during the winter are preserved in natural cold, until the warmer season permits their burial.
Challenges created by a changed way of life Given such changes in their way of life, keeping their own identity and recollection of history and ancestors proved to be an extraordinary challenge many Inuit could not meet. These changes led to alcohol and drug problems. The suicide rate of the Inuit rose four times as high as that of the remaining population of Canada. In the early 21st century the
infant mortality rate is still high, about four times higher than the rest of Canada, and the lifespan relatively short, about 13 years less than the rest of the country. However, the Inuit population has grown considerably since the 1960s when there were about 12,000 and, as of the
2016 Canadian census, increasing to just over 65,025, distributed among some 70 settlements, some of which have a population of a few hundred only. Within a very short time, modern technology replaced methods and technologies that had been passed on for centuries. Firearms replaced lances and harpoons,
snowmobiles, mainly
Polaris,
Ski-Doo and
Yamaha took the place of dog sled teams (the name Ski-Doo is often used for the whole category, since
Joseph-Armand Bombardier 1922 built the first snowmobile, Ski-Dog, which mutated to Ski-Doo by a typographical error). ATVs (
all-terrain vehicles, quad-bikes) became widely accepted as a general means of transportation. The Inuit have become consumers who make their living by fishing, hunting, trapping and production of artwork. They also perform wage labour, and often must be supported by additional social welfare. Government support is often the only source of income. The number of recipients is much higher than the average of Canada. Also, the share of employees in public service is 20 to 30 percent, compared to 7 percent for Canada. This is extremely high, and has been rising even higher since the creation of Nunavut. Nowadays only a few areas are left where traditional methods of hunting and fishing have been preserved in their original form.
Adjustment to conditions of living in a modern industrial nation from the time of Scottish whalers, which today the Inuit dance in many variations The capitalist way of thinking in the south of Canada has been a large challenge for the Inuit. It was a drastic experience for the population of a homogeneous, that in an earning-focused, achievement-oriented society authority, power and wealth were defined in a very different way. Before, they were independent in their way of living, but now they saw themselves tied to the chains of a monetary system. Consequently, new patterns of behavior arose, which put enormous strain on family ties. The adjustment to totally different conditions of living, even more so in new administrative centres that were organized by Canadian public employees by the rules of an industrialized country, was understandably difficult for the Inuit. Many have not come to terms with the changes to this day; they do not feel part of either the modern culture nor of that of their ancestors. The proselytizing by the
Anglican Church and the
Roman Catholic Church in the first half of the 20th century, which must be critically viewed in some respect, was also of fundamental significance for the cultural change of the Inuit. Although the Arctic nowadays is considered largely Christian, elements of
Shamanism appear to persist fairly well at the subliminal level, side by side with Christian thought, despite its condemnation by the missionaries. ) The adjustment to life in a modern industrialized country is easier for the young people who find new types of opportunities, but also all the problems that can be paraphrased by the keyword "TV culture". Compulsory education was introduced in the 1950s, replacing the traditional master-apprentice relationship between parents and children that did without reading and writing skills. Some Inuit were trained to be teachers and clergymen, but their numbers still were much too low. Basic education nowadays takes place in nearly all settlements. In Nunavut during the first three school years, the
Inuit language, either
Inuinnaqtun or
Inuktitut, is the relevant language of instruction. In many schools of the Arctic, "elders", older residents who are recognized for their experience, are teaching the
traditional knowledge, known as
Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, about culture, customs and way of living from the pre-settlement time, during planned lectures. Despite all efforts, the number of dropout is generally rather high, because of lack of motivation, among other reasons. meat As part of the Government of Canada's assimilation policy many Inuit children, along with
First Nations, were sent to
residential schools. Children were taken from their home communities in the summer and sent to a
school in a centralized area where they would remain for an entire school year. These included Sir Alexander Mackenzie Day School in
Inuvik which included the two residences, Stringer Hall for Anglicans and Grollier Hall for Catholics, and
Chesterfield Inlet Indian Residential School which included the Turquetil residence. The year away from their homes caused multiple problems upon return. Children were not permitted to speak their native language while at school and thus had problems communicating to community members who spoke little or no English. At the same time the loss of traditional skills meant they were less able to occupy the roles that they would have normally taken up. Later in the 1970s schools were built in the communities but most did not go beyond grade 7/8. Therefore, this meant leaving the home town during the school year, which was very difficult for many, to attend high school. However, this was at the parents' and child's choice rather than forced schooling. Because of this, there were only a few Inuit with higher education, since they would have to leave during the years of study. In the 21st century all Inuit communities in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut offer schooling up to grade 12. This has increased the graduation rate but it still below that of the rest of Canada. In the NWT
Aurora College and Arctic College in Nunavut offer education programs throughout the territories. These include the
Nunavut Teacher Education Program which graduates primary, junior and high school teachers with a
Bachelor of Education degree and the
Akitsiraq Law School program. Some programs, such as general upgrading, are offered in the home community while others are only available in certain places. There has been no lack of intensive effort to find ways for the Inuit into a largely self-designed future, and to help them with a recollection of their own values and of their personal identity. It was important in this context to convey a new role of men and women. In the past, the man was responsible for family life and survival, while the women in the camp were charged with the young. Now often both of them have to master new tasks, thereby skipping several stages of development, with this process taking a course different from what happened in the European cultural area. It is not seldom that the woman assumes the sole role of the breadwinner, while the man is unemployed.
Cooperatives, a formula for success Big hopes were put into the establishment of
cooperatives, today the Arctic Co-operatives Limited, that were to help convey to the Inuit the skills of creating added value, so they would take care of themselves again and at the same time preserve their traditional culture. These cooperatives, mostly managed by
Qallunaat (non-Inuit), did in fact prove very successful, because they succeeded in connecting economic thinking with traditional activities and values not only theoretically. The cooperatives developed activities in disparate areas. They were active in the provisioning of goods and services, such as trading with oil, gas, gasoline and construction materials, the organization of supermarkets with foodstuffs, clothing and technical goods, of hotels and restaurants, the construction of recreational and tourism facilities. On the regional level, the cooperatives ran commercial fur trade and fishing, as well as the production of downs and feathers. In the area of culture, the cooperatives and similar associations were intensely devoted to fostering artistic skills, which were, and still are unusually pronounced among the Inuit. The production and trade of
Inuit art, i.e. of artistic and crafted objects, mainly
sculptures made from
serpentine, soapstone and
marble, and soon afterwards also of
graphics (drawings, lithotomies, lithographs, erasures) and
tapestry (for example hangings), yielded excellent economic and cultural successes. In the course of the past 50 years this branch of the cooperatives reached an extraordinary importance for
value added in the Inuit regions, and clearly ranks first, far ahead of trading hunting products: antlers, fur, or
ivory, but overproduction is a growing problem. There is a similar problem with this type of art in Greenland, like the
tupilaqs from
East Greenland made from walrus ivory. In 1965, the turnover of Inuit cooperatives with trade of artistic objects and true arts was still below 100,000 Canadian dollars, but two or three decades later it has risen to $5 million, at gross prices, respectively (turnover not registered is estimated at a few additional million dollars). Despite manifold attempts in expanding the areas of activity, real added value still occurs mainly in the consumer goods sector, and scarcely in the real branch of production.
Current developments During a period of five thousand years, the Inuit groups have grown apart ethnically. However, the increasing integration into nations foreign to them that were extending into the Arctic made them realize after World War II that they could maintain their
cultural identity only if they appeared united at the international level. Therefore, the Eskimo groups of Canada united with their relatives in Alaska and Greenland (after the
dissolution of the Soviet Union also with the Siberian
Chukchi) to the "Pan-Eskimo Movement". This movement is supported by the
Inuit Circumpolar Council, that was founded in 1977 as the Inuit Circumpolar Conference after a lead time of four years and to which its protagonist Eben Hopson (
North Slope Borough, Alaska) was invited with his vision of constituting a unified, independent Eskimo nation. During the 1980s and 1990s a nationalistic trend could indeed be felt, and there was no lack of wishful thinking to achieve the dream of circumpolar unity. But in the reality of daily life, rational and last but not least fiscal thinking prevailed.
Nunavut Parliament building in
Iqaluit (Kinngait) With all efforts to preserve and cultivate cultural values of the past, the Inuit also want the progress of the modern industrial society. They show concern about the endangering of the environment by technical processes associated with the exploitation of resources, but are also interested in a future of western standards. They have also recognized that they are much better able to influence their conditions of living to their own ideas, when they agree within regional bounds on the goals to be pursued. The Canadian Inuit, just like the other indigenous peoples (First Nations and
Métis people) of Canada, grew the demand for collective ethnic rights and a territory of their own, with a government composed of their kind, and Inuktitut as one of the official languages. On the federal level, the Inuit got the right to vote in 1962. The first Inuk to be elected Member of Parliament was
Peter Ittinuar in 1979. In 1976, the organization
Inuit Tapirisat ("Inuit Brotherhood"), now the
Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami ("Inuit United with Canada"), for the first time demanded the creation of a separate territory in the northeast of Canada. After more than 15 years of negotiation between Inuit and the Federal and Territorial Governments, finally an agreement was reached, the
Nunavut Land Claims Agreement, which determined that from April 1, 1999, the north of Canada should be composed of three territories:
Yukon, Nunavut and the remaining Northwest Territories. Like the two other territories, Nunavut was placed under direct control of the Canadian federal government and received increasing administrative autonomy. The Inuit have substantial local rights of control. They participate in the execution of important administrative positions, including police, legal and social welfare offices. Inuktitut is official government language, besides English and French.
Added value in Nunavut , available for tours to remote fjords and glaciers along the east coast of
Baffin Island The territorial government of Nunavut faces the challenge of
economic development while balancing the Inuit's longstanding cultural traditions with the demands of contemporary life. Hunting, trapping and fishing remain central to Inuit
subsistence and do not contribute enough added value to contribute to economic output. Trade in higher-value products derived from these activities, like seal furs, or ivory from
narwhal or
walrus, is subject to international trade regulations. Revenue from Inuit arts or handicraft represents a notable contribution to the local economy, though it supports a relatively small number of livelihoods, particularly because of the large household sizes in many communities. This sector of economic activity by its nature can secure the future of only a limited proportion of the population. Tourism faces structural constraints. It is difficult to secure sufficient consistent enrollment for group tours to the Arctic, and customized tours do not bring much money to the area. Cruise tourism has been identified as a comparatively more significant source of economic activity compared to other types of travel. Reconciling traditional practices with the requirements of a modern, self-governing territory remains a central policy challenge for
Nunavut's leadership. Whether the exemplary Nunavut model of
self-determination will be successful depends on development of a sufficient number of trained
Inuit professionals and administrators in the coming generations. The deficit in education attainment and professional training remains substantial. Continued investment in education and leadership development is considered essential if Nunavut is to sustain its cultural identity while fulfilling the administrative and economic responsibilities of a self-governed territory within Canada.
Accord of Nunavik An accord, the
James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement, between the Canadian federal government, the Province of Quebec and Inuit representatives resulted in the establishment of the
Kativik Regional Government and gave a bigger political autonomy to the Nunavik region. As a result, all residents of the 14 Nunavik settlements elect their own representative in regional elections.
Settlement of land claims and titles An important chapter of
Canadian Arctic policy regarding development of the Inuit culture is reflected in the agreements settling Inuit
land claims opposed to the Canadian state. The advancing exploitation of the Canadian Arctic and if its mineral resources led to ever more conflicts about land ownership and title between Inuit representatives and Federal Government. Land that is not under private ownership is considered as Federal land, but the Inuit claim large areas that they have inhabited and utilized for many centuries. The agreement reached in 1984 regarding land claims of the
Inuvialuit (Inuit in the western Arctic) provided means to improve the situation of the indigenous residents of this region, by assuring of land to 2,500 Inuvialuit, as well as monetary compensation, funds for improving the social structure, hunting right, and more influence on dealing with the fauna, on natural and environmental protection. The Nunavut Land Claims Agreement signed in 1993 with the
Tunngavik Federation of Nunavut is the most comprehensive agreement ever reached in Canada. As a result, about 17,500 Inuit receive of land, monetary compensation, a share of the profits from exploiting the mineral resources, hunting rights and a larger voice in questions regarding land and environment. Also in the north of the province of Quebec, land claims of Inuit groups were settled successfully. living in the interior and on the eastern coast of Labrador, a part of the province of
Newfoundland and Labrador.
Nunatsiavut, home to about 3,800 Inuit, is an Inuit self-government region in
Labrador created on June 23, 2000. This Settlement area comprises the majority of Labrador's North Coast, while the land-use area also includes land farther to the interior and in Central Labrador.
Nain is the administrative centre
Traditional Inuit culture playing pool billiards in a hotel in Berlin (2004) The Inuit place a high value upon self-determination. The governments of Nunavut, the Northwest Territories and Nunatsiavut
do not have political parties, but operate as
consensus governments. Difficult questions are common in judicature, where traditional Inuit concepts are opposed to the legal system of the Canadian state.
Preservation of tradition and culture In general, the government of Nunavut sees one of its most important tasks to be the preservation and care of Inuit tradition and culture. Currently, it puts great effort into recording and archiving the oral accounts of "elders" about the time before the move of the Inuit into the settlements. It is high time for this, because the number of elders with this knowledge are dwindling. The festival leading up to the new year is
Quviasukvik, which also is their traditional new year and is held on
Christmas.
Contemporary literature A special part of the centuries-old cultural heritage of the Inuit are
their myths and legends, which had been passed exclusively by word of mouth, because the Inuit had no written language and consequently had no literary tradition. In the Inuit culture story telling had the function that in other cultures literature has. The oral recital of passed-on knowledge gave the Inuit families particularly a feeling of immediate togetherness. At the same time, narrating made a connection between past and present, because the essential statements had been passed from generation to generation and accepted as the truth, without reservations. Among the Inuit, there are even nowadays few authors in the strict sense: writers mainly produce reports, summaries and essays about traditional contexts, or their own experiences ("
non-fiction"), in seldom cases poems (mostly anthems) or songs. A few noted Inuit writers have written works that are classified as novels, including
Mitiarjuk Nappaaluk's
Sanaaq,
Markoosie Patsauq's
Harpoon of the Hunter and
Tanya Tagaq's
Split Tooth, although even these works often defy conventional Western notions of literary genre, typically blending both fictional and non-fictional elements. Among the best-known Inuit authors are the former
Commissioner of Nunavut (the highest governmental representative of the territory),
Peter Irniq (born 1947 on the
Lyon Inlet, Kivalliq Region), the writer, poet, cartoonist and photographer
Alootook Ipellie (born 1951 in a camp near Iqaluit, died 2007 in Ottawa),
Michael Kusugak the children's author, and the former president of the
Makivik Corporation and active author
Zebedee Nungak (born 1951 in the south of
Puvirnituq, Quebec).
Contemporary music The Inuit did not have a very distinct tradition of music. There were "
Aya-Yait", songs used for passing experiences from generation to generation, and so called because of their refrain "aya-ya". In a musical sense, they were simply-structured compositions. The traditional "
throat singing" as well as the ritual drum dance by no means claim to be artistic compositions, but they were used for entertainment and for mythological-religious customs. The Inuit first heard European melodies by listening to the whalers. With those, they saw European instruments for the first time, the
fiddle and the
accordion, both of which have remained popular among the Inuit to this day. They also learned the
square dance from the whalers. For the past twenty years, a kind of pop music is catching on in the Arctic, which the Inuit adopted from the south and then modified their own way. Today
Susan Aglukark (born in 1967 in
Churchill, Manitoba, and grew up in
Arviat) is perhaps one the most popular Inuit singers. Other singers include
Tagaq,
Charlie Panigoniak and
Lucie Idlout.
Contemporary fine arts Contemporary
Inuit art and handicrafts did not come about before the late 1950s as important resources for added value. soapstone sculptures, artistic drawings, hangings and tapestries (the latter mainly in
Arviat, Baker Lake and
Pangnirtung), attire, ceramics and dolls are providing a basic livelihood to a large number of Inuit artists of all ages today, just like hunting and fishing. == Movies ==