Another way of investigating the complex nature of Janus is by systematically analysing his cultic epithets: religious documents may preserve a notion of a deity's theology more accurately than other literary sources. The main sources of Janus's cult epithets are the fragments of the
Carmen Saliare preserved by Varro in his work
De Lingua Latina, a list preserved in a passage of
Macrobius's
Saturnalia (I 9, 15–16), another in a passage of
Johannes Lydus's
De Mensibus (IV 1), a list in
Cedrenus's
Historiarum Compendium (I p. 295 7 Bonn), partly dependent on Lydus's, and one in
Servius Honoratus's commentary to the
Aeneis (VII 610). Literary works also preserve some of Janus's cult epithets, such as
Ovid's long passage of the
Fasti devoted to Janus at the beginning of Book I (89–293),
Tertullian,
Augustine and
Arnobius.
Carmen Saliare As may be expected the opening verses of the Carmen, are devoted to honouring Janus, thence were named '
. Paul the Deacon mentions the '. Only part of the '
and two of the ' are preserved. The manuscript has: :(paragraph 26): "''''"; :(paragraph 27): "
." "''''". Many reconstructions have been proposed: they vary widely in dubious points and are all tentative, nonetheless one can identify with certainty some epithets: •
Cozeiuod orieso. '
' • '
(or '),
Iane, es, duonus Cerus es, duonus Ianus. •
. • '
(or ')
. •
. The epithets that can be identified are: ;
Cozeuios: i.e. ''
the Sower, which opens the carmen and is attested as an old form of Consivius'' in
Tertullian; ; '''': the Opener; ; '
or ': the Gatekeeper; ; '''': the Good Creator; ;
rex: king ( – the most powerful and best of kings); ; '''': father of the gods (or part of the gods); ; '''': god of the gods; ; '''': keeping track of time, Gatekeeper.
Other sources The above-mentioned sources give:
Ianus Geminus, I. Pater, I. Iunonius, I. Consivius, I. Quirinus, I. Patulcius and Clusivius (Macrobius above I 9, 15): Ι. Κονσίβιον, Ι. Κήνουλον, Ι. Κιβουλλιον, I. Πατρίκιον, I. Κλουσίβιον, I. Ιουνώνιον, I. Κυρινον, I. Πατούλκιον, I. Κλούσιον, I. Κουριάτιον (Lydus above IV 1); I. Κιβούλλιον, I. Κυρινον, I. Κονσαιον, I. Πατρίκιον (Cedrenus
Historiarum Compendium I p. 295 7 Bonn);
I. Clusiuius, I. Patulcius, I. Iunonius, I. Quirinus (Servius
Aen. VII 610). Even though the lists overlap to a certain extent (five epithets are common to Macrobius's and Lydus's list), the explanations of the epithets differ remarkably. Macrobius's list and explanation are probably based directly on
Cornelius Labeo's work, as he cites this author often in his
Saturnalia, as when he gives a list of
Maia's cult epithets and mentions one of his works,
Fasti. In relating Janus's epithets Macrobius states: "We invoke in the sacred rites". Labeo himself, as it is stated in the passage on Maia, read them in the lists of
indigitamenta of the
libri pontificum. On the other hand, Lydus's authority cannot have consulted these documents precisely because he offers different (and sometimes bizarre) explanations for the common epithets: it seems likely he received a list with no interpretations appended and his interpretations are only his own.
Pater Pater is perhaps the most frequent epithet of Janus, found also in the composition
Ianuspater. While numerous gods share this cultic epithet it seems the Romans felt it was typically pertinent to Janus. When invoked along with other gods, usually only he is called pater. For Janus the title is not just a term of respect; principally it marks his primordial role. He is the first of the gods and thus their father: the formula
quasi deorum deum corresponds to
diuum deus of the carmen Saliare. Similarly, in the expression
duonus Cerus, Cerus means creator and is considered a masculine form related to
Ceres. Lydus gives Πατρίκιος (Patricius) and explains it as
autóchthon: since he does not give another epithet corresponding to Pater it may be inferred that Lydus understands Patricius as a synonym of Pater. There is no evidence connecting Janus to gentilician cults or identifying him as a national god particularly venerated by the oldest patrician families.
Geminus Geminus is the first epithet in Macrobius's list. Although the etymology of the word is unclear, it is certainly related to his most typical character, that of having two faces or heads. The proof are the numerous equivalent expressions. The origin of this epithet might be either concrete, referring directly to the image of the god reproduced on coins and supposed to have been introduced by king
Numa in the sanctuary at the lowest point of the Argiletum, or to a feature of the Ianus of the
Porta Belli, the double gate ritually opened at the beginning of wars, or abstract, deriving metaphorically from the liminal, intermediary functions of the god themselves: both in time and space passages connected two different spheres, realms or worlds. The
Janus quadrifrons or
quadriformis, brought according to tradition from Falerii in 241 BC and installed by Domitian in the
Forum Transitorium, although having a different meaning, seems to be connected to the same theological complex, as its image purports an ability to rule over every direction, element and time of the year. It did not give rise to a new epithet though.
Patulcius and Clusivius the 1st Patulcius and
Clusivius or
Clusius are epithets related to an inherent quality and function of doors, that of standing open or shut. Janus as the Gatekeeper has jurisdiction over every kind of door and passage and the power of opening or closing them. Servius interprets Patulcius in the same way. Lydus gives an incorrect translation, "αντί του οδαιον" which however reflects one of the attributes of the god, that of being the protector of roads. Elsewhere Lydus cites the epithet θυρέος to justify the key held by Janus. The antithetical quality of the two epithets is meant to refer to the alterning opposite conditions and is commonly found in the
indigitamenta: in relation to Janus, Macrobius cites instances of
Antevorta and
Postvorta, the personifications of two indigitations of
Carmentis. These epithets are associated with the ritual function of Janus in the opening of the ''
or Porta Belli
. The rite might go back to times pre-dating the founding of Rome. Poets tried to explain this rite by imagining that the gate closed either war or peace inside the ianus'', but in its religious significance it might have been meant to propitiate the return home of the victorious soldiers.
Quirinus Quirinus is a debated epithet. According to some scholars, mostly Francophone, it looks to be strictly related to the ideas of the passage of the Roman people from war back to peace, from the condition of
miles, soldier, to that of
quiris, citizen occupied in peaceful business, as the rites of the
Porta Belli imply. This is in fact the usual sense of the word
quirites in Latin. Other scholars, mainly Germanophone, think it is related on the contrary to the martial character of the god Quirinus, an interpretation supported by numerous ancient sources: Lydus, Cedrenus, Macrobius, Ovid, Plutarch and Paul the Daecon. Schilling and Capdeville counter that it is his function of presiding over the return to peace that gave Janus this epithet, as confirmed by his association on 30 March with
Pax,
Concordia and
Salus, even though it is true that Janus as god of all beginnings presides also over that of war and is thus often called
belliger, bringer of war as well as
pacificus. This use is also discussed by Dumézil in various works concerning the armed nature of the
Mars qui praeest paci, the armed quality of the gods of the third function and the arms of the third function. Koch on the other hand sees the epithet Janus Quirinus as a reflection of the god's patronage over the two months beginning and ending the year, after their addition by king Numa in his reform of the calendar. This interpretation too would befit the liminal nature of Janus. The compound term
Ianus Quirinus was particularly in vogue at the time of Augustus, its peaceful interpretation complying particularly well with the Augustan ideology of the
Pax Romana. The compound
Ianus Quirinus is to be found also in the rite of the
spolia opima, a
lex regia ascribed to Numa, which prescribed that the third rank spoils of a king or chief killed in battle, those conquered by a common soldier, be consecrated to
Ianus Quirinus. Schilling believes the reference of this rite to Ianus Quirinus to embody the original prophetic interpretation, which ascribes to this deity the last and conclusive spoils of Roman history.
Ποπάνων (Popanon, Libo?) The epithet
Ποπάνων (Popanōn) is attested only by Lydus, who cites Varro as stating that on the day of the
kalendae he was offered a cake which earned him this title. There is no surviving evidence of this name in Latin, although the rite is attested by Ovid for the kalendae of January and by Paul. This cake was named ''
but the related epithet of Janus could not plausibly have been Ianualis: it has been suggested Libo'' which remains purely hypothetical. The context could allow an Etruscan etymology.
Iunonius Janus owes the epithet
Iunonius to his function as patron of all kalends, which are also associated with Juno. In Macrobius's explanation: "
Iunonium, as it were, not only does he hold the entry to January, but to all the months: indeed all the kalends are under the jurisdiction of Juno". At the time when the rising of the new moon was observed by the
pontifex minor the
rex sacrorum assisted by him offered a sacrifice to Janus in the
Curia Calabra while the
regina sacrorum sacrificed to Juno in the
regia. Some scholars have maintained that Juno was the primitive paredra of the god. This point bears on the nature of Janus and Juno and is at the core of an important dispute: was Janus a debased ancient uranic supreme god, or were Janus and Jupiter co-existent, their distinct identities structurally inherent to their original theology? Among Francophone scholars, Grimal and (implicitly and partially) Renard and Basanoff have supported the view of a uranic supreme god against Dumézil and Schilling. Among Anglophone scholars Frazer and Cook have suggested an interpretation of Janus as uranic supreme god. Whatever the case, it is certain that Janus and Juno show a peculiar reciprocal affinity: while Janus is
Iunonius, Juno is
Ianualis, as she presides over childbirth and the menstrual cycle, and opens doors. Moreover, besides the kalends Janus and Juno are also associated at the rite of the Tigillum Sororium of 1 October, in which they bear the epithets
Ianus Curiatius and
Iuno Sororia. These epithets, which swap the functional qualities of the gods, are the most remarkable apparent proof of their proximity. The rite is discussed in detail in the section below.
Consivius Consivius, sower, is an epithet that reflects the tutelary function of the god at the first instant of human life and of life in general, conception. This function is a particular case of his function of patron of beginnings. As far as man is concerned it is obviously of the greatest importance, even though both Augustine and some modern scholars see it as minor. Augustine shows astonishment at the fact that some of the
dii selecti may be engaged in such tasks: "
In fact Janus himself first, when pregnancy is conceived, ... opens the way to receiving the semen". Varro on the other hand had clear the relevance of the function of starting a new life by opening the way to the semen and therefore started his enumeration of the gods with Janus, following the pattern of the Carmen Saliare. Macrobius gives the same interpretation of the epithet in his list: "
Consivius from sowing (conserendo), i. e. from the propagation of the human genre, that is disseminated by the working of Janus." as the most ancient form. He though does not consider '''' to be an epithet of Janus but a theonym in its own right. Lydus understands as βουλαιον () owing to a conflation with
Consus through
Ops Consiva or Consivia. The interpretation of Consus as god of advice is already present in Latin authors and is due to a folk etymology supported by the story of the abduction of the Sabine women, (which happened on the day of the
Consualia aestiva), said to have been advised by Consus. However no Latin source cites relationships of any kind between Consus and Janus Consivius. Moreover, both the passages that this etymology requires present difficulties, particularly as it seems Consus cannot be etymologically related to adjective '
or ', found in Ops Consivia and thence the implied notion of sowing.
Κήνουλος (Coenulus) Κήνουλος () and
Κιβουλλιος () are not attested by Latin sources. The second epithet is not to be found in Lydus's manuscripts and is present in Cedrenus along with its explanation concerning food and nurture. The editor of Lydus R. Wünsch has added Cedrenus's passage after Lydus's own explanation of Coenulus as ευωχιαστικός, good host at a banquet. Capdeville considers Cedrenus's text to be due to a paleographic error: only
Coenulus is indubitably an epithet of Janus and the adjective used to explain it, meaning to present and to treat well at dinner, was used in a ritual invocation before meals, wishing the diners to make good flesh. This is one of the features of Janus as shown by the myth that associates him with Carna,
Cardea, Crane.
Curiatius The epithet
Curiatius is found in association with
Iuno Sororia as designating the deity to which one of the two altars behind the Tigillum Sororium was dedicated.
Festus and other ancient authors explain Curiatius by the aetiological legend of the Tigillum: the expiation undergone by P. Horatius after his victory over the Alban
Curiatii for the murder of his own sister, by walking under a beam with his head veiled. Capdeville sees this epithet as related exclusively to the characters of the legend and the rite itself: He cites the analysis by Dumézil as his authority. Schilling supposes it was probably a '
originally entrusted to the ' that allowed the desacralisation of the '''' at the end of the military season, later transferred to the state. Janus's patronage of a rite of passage would be natural. The presence of Juno would be related to the date (Kalends), her protection of the '''', soldiers, or the legend itself. Schilling's opinion is that it is related to
curia, as the Tigillum was located not far from the ''''. Renard considered Schilling's interpretation unacceptable, even though supported by an inscription (''
) because of the different quantity of the u'', short in '
, ' and '
and long in '. Moreover, it is part of the different interpretation of the meaning of the ritual of the Tigillum Sororium proposed by Herbert Jennings Rose, Kurt Latte, and Robert Schilling himself. Renard connects the epithet's meaning to the '
or ', the spear of Juno Curitis as here she is given the epithet of
Sororia, corresponding to the usual epithet
Geminus of Janus and to the twin or feminine nature of the passage between two coupled posts. In summary, the etymology of
Curiatius remains uncertain. == Rites ==