Napoleonic Wars (1809),
Peninsular War In 1808, during the
Napoleonic Wars, Catalonia was occupied by the troops of General
Guillaume Philibert Duhesme. The official Spanish army had evaporated, but popular resistance against the French occupation occurred in Catalonia as in other parts of Spain, and eventually developed into the
Peninsular War. A local army defeated the French in a series of
battles at El Bruc, near Barcelona. Meanwhile,
Girona was besieged by the French and defended by its inhabitants under the direction of general and military governor
Mariano Álvarez de Castro. The French finally took the city on 10 December 1809, after many deaths on both sides from hunger, epidemics, and cold; Álvarez de Castro died in prison one month later. The rejection to French dominion was institutionalized with the creation of "juntas" (councils) across Spain who, remaining loyal to the Bourbons, exercised the sovereignty and representation of the territory due to the disappearance of the old institutions, and sending delegates to the
Cortes of Cádiz. In Catalonia, the juntas of Catalan corregimientos established in Lleida the Superior Junta of the Government of the Principality of Catalonia which it declared itself as depositary of the faculties of the Royal Audience of Catalonia, as well as the legislative power. At the same time, Napoleon took direct control of Catalonia to establish order, creating the Government of Catalonia under the rule of
Marshall Augereau, and making Catalan briefly an official language again. Between 1812 and 1813, Catalonia was directly annexed to France itself, and organized an ordinary civil administration in the form of four (later two)
départements:
Bouches-de-l'Èbre (prefecture: Lleida),
Montserrat (Barcelona),
Sègre (
Puigcerdà), and
Ter (Girona). French dominion in parts of Catalonia lasted until 1814, when the British General
Wellington signed the
armistice by which the French left
Barcelona and the other strongholds that they had managed to keep until the last.
The Carlist wars and the liberal state The reign of
Ferdinand VII (reigned 1814–1833) saw several Catalan uprisings and after his death, the conflict over the succession between the
absolutist "
Carlist" partisans of
Infante Carlos and the liberal partisans of
Isabella II led to the
First Carlist War, which lasted until 1840 and was especially virulent in the Catalan territory. Catalonia was divided. The most industrialized areas support liberalism and the Catalan bourgeoisie tries to contribute to the construction of the new liberal state. As with the
Basques, many Catalans fought on the Carlist side, not necessarily because they supported absolute monarchy, but because some of them hoped that restoration of the Old Regime would mean restoration of their
fueros and recovery of regional autonomy. ;
Assimilated Spain (green), the former
Crown of Aragon, including Catalonia;
Foral Spain (blue), the Basque-speaking territories; and
Colonial Spain (yellow) The victory of the liberals over the absolutists led to a "
bourgeois revolution" during the reign of Isabella II. In 1834, by decree of minister
Javier de Burgos, Spain was organized into
provinces, included Catalonia, which was divided in four provinces (
Barcelona,
Girona,
Lleida and
Tarragona) without a common administration. The reign of Isabella II was marked by corruption, administrative inefficiency, centralism, and political and social tensions. The liberals soon divided into "moderates" and "progressives", and in Catalonia a
republican current began to develop; also, inevitably, Catalans generally favored a more federal Spain. During the second third of the century, there were various progressive uprisings in Barcelona and other places, known as
bullangues. The last insurrection of the period, the
Jamància (1843), which tried to expel the government of General
Espartero and proposed a progressive program and postulates close to federalism, ended with Barcelona blocked and bombed by the army, representing the triumph of the moderates and its centralist politics. The
Second Carlist War (1846–1849) took place fundamentally in Catalonia, largely promoted by the displeasure of large sectors of the population with the moderate model of the liberal state that was being established at that time. This explains the collaboration of the progressives and republicans with the Carlists in 1848, coinciding with the
democratic revolutions in France and the rest of Europe. When General
O'Donnell, leader of the
Liberal Union, was appointed as prime minister in 1856 seems that the relationship between Catalan society and the Spanish government became more hopeful. Surprisingly, the reaction in Catalonia to the
Hispano-Moroccan War was enthusiastic, and it was organized a company of Catalan volunteers that were received in Africa by the General
Joan Prim, born in
Reus. The fall of the government of the Liberal Union without being able to accomplish the expected reforms and the return of the
moderates to power ended the hopes of Catalan society. , pro-republican Catalan weekly magazine, founded in 1870 In September 1868, Spain's continuing economic crisis triggered the
September Revolution or
La Gloriosa, resulting in the deposition of Isabella II and beginning the so-called
Sexenio Democrático, the "six democratic years" (1868–1874). As usual, popular revolts and juntas were formed across the country, until the new government ordered its dissolution. General Joan Prim was appointed Prime Minister of the Provisional Government (1869–1870), his government called to a parliamentary election by
universal manhood suffrage for the first time in order to establish the political future of Spain. In Catalonia,
federalists republicans won the overall majority of seats, while the general results in Spain gave a victory to a progressive monarchist coalition. Spain was declared a democratic monarchy and
Amadeo of Savoy elected new king. Few days before the arrival of Amadeo, Prim was assassinated. Meanwhile, the federalists republicans of Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia and Balearic Islands signed the
Federal Pact of Tortosa (1869) and there was a federalist revolt at the same year. The rise of Amadeo I to the throne of Spain (1870–1873) proved unstable, his reign saw the outbreak of the
Third Carlist War (1872–1876),
Cuba's fight for independence, the spread of the ideas of the
First International and economic troubles, ending with the resignation of the king. This decision allowed the proclamation of the
First Spanish Republic (1873–1874). The Republic fought against the inherited problems and with others like the cantonal insurrection. During its short existence it was unable to establish a federal republic and it had four presidents. Its first presidents,
Estanislau Figueras and
Francesc Pi i Margall, were Catalans. Along the period there were attempts from radical federalists
to proclaim a federated Catalan State. After the fall of president
Emilio Castelar, the
General Pavia made a coup d'état, disbanding the Cortes and appointed
General Serrano as president without parliamentary control.
Industrialization, Renaixença and Modernisme Since the 1830s, boosted by the conditions of proto-industrialization of the prior two centuries of the Catalan urban areas and its countryside, Catalonia became a centre of Spain's industrialization and it became one of the largest textile producers in the Mediterranean. In 1832 the
Bonaplata Factory was established, the first industrial establishment in the country to make use of the
steam engine. Catalonia had to contend with a grave shortage of energy resources and the weakness of the domestic Spanish market. To encourage industrial expansion, Spain established
protectionist policies which reduced foreign competition domestically (although the policy of Spanish government during those times changed many times between
free trade and protectionism). Catalonia saw the first
railway construction in the
Iberian Peninsula in 1848, linking Barcelona with
Mataró, built with private capital. These initiatives partially benefitted the country's industrial regions, Catalonia, the Basque Country and later
Asturias. As in much of Europe, the working class lived and worked in often inhuman conditions. As a response to the lack of energy resources, a large number of factories were installed on the margins of the rivers when the use of the
water turbine widespread. Usually, the factories included a
company town; Catalonia has a high density of such towns, known locally as industrial colonies (
colònies industrials). They are especially concentrated in river basins along the Ter and Llobregat. In the comarca of
Berguedà, for example, within 20 km there were 14 colonies. These were small towns created around a factory, built in a rural areas, distant any other population centres. They housed between 100 and 500 inhabitants, and in some cases around 1000 people. These industrial colonies were a typical aspect of industrialization in Catalonia, specifically the
second industrialization, which resulted in certain areas that were once purely rural becoming industrial. They were first created in the second half of the nineteenth century, especially from the 1870s onwards. The last colonies were created in the early years of the twentieth century. There are more than 75 textile colonies recorded; although there were also mining, metallurgy and agricultural colonies. During the 19th century, as well as other Spaniards, there were Catalan business involved in the
Atlantic slave trade, taking advantage of the void left by the
British abolition of the trade in 1807. Catalan immigrants in Spanish America also became heavily involved in owning and running
slave plantations in Cuba and Puerto Rico. Between 1817 and 1867, Catalans were involved in the transportation of 550,000 to 700,000 slaves from West Africa to the Caribbean. Although the Spanish government had abolished slave trading in 1817, it turned a blind eye to illicit slave trading. When slavery was abolished in the Spanish Empire in 1886, some Catalans returned to Catalonia and invested their newfound fortunes in constructing opulent mansions in areas such as
La Rambla. There are sources that links the slave trade with the financiation of the industrialisation of Catalonia and the 19th-century building boom in Barcelona, although the industrialization started one century before, banks were the usual source of finantiation, and most families involved has any relation with American slavery. The second third of the 19th century saw a Catalan cultural renaissance (
Renaixença), a cultural movement to recover Catalan language and culture after a long period of decay. As with most of the other
Romantic movements, it was noted for its admiration of the Middle Ages, which was often reflected in art and, in Barcelona, the literary contest known as Floral Games (
Jocs Florals) was revived. The historical research of
Antoni de Capmany, the interest in normalizing the Catalan language and the emergence of an incipient intellectuality interested in popular culture are already produced during the Enlightenment. Josep Pau Ballot wrote "Gramatica y apología de la llengua cathalana" between 1810 and 1813, during the French occupation. This work is realized with patriotic intention and disseminator of the use of Catalan. Between 1833 and the reestablishment of the Floral Games in 1859, the Catalan language lives in a situation of disglossy: many authors of the Renaixença wrote some literature and poetry in Catalan, but they will continue to use Spanish in their main works. However, the popular classes continued to use Catalan, and during this period popular theater in Catalan became relevant, unlike the representations of the Liceu addressed to the bourgeoisie, which used Spanish.
Catalan nationalism and the workers movement , 1909 In 1874, a coup by General
Martínez Campos in
Sagunto led to a restoration of the Bourbon dynasty in the person of
Alfonso XII. A period of political stability, of repression of the
workers movement, and of a slow growth in Catalan nationalist identity extended to the early years of the 20th century, when once again political opposition broke to the fore, especially republicanism and
Catalan nationalism, but also class-based politics reflecting social tensions. The following decades saw the rise of the
political Catalanism still prevalent today: the first formulations of the modern
Catalan national identity can be seen in
Valentí Almirall, a relevant federalist republican. Almirall, despite being a left-wing republican, tried to unite the Catalan left and right, but he did not succeed because there were too many divergences between the two currents. He promoted the
First Catalanist Congress, held in 1880, in which the different Catalanist groups were united: federal republicanism and the apolitical current, the literary one, from
La Renaixença magazine, but the leftist tendencies of Almirall caused that the group of the Renaixença left the Congress and broke the agreement. However, the Congress took three fundamental agreements: creating an entity that brings together Catalanism (the
Centre Català, "Catalan Center"), the beginning of efforts to establish the Academy of the Catalan Language, and the drafting of a document on defense of Catalan as official language. The crisis of the Centre Català was shown due the differences around the position about the
1888 Barcelona Universal Exposition. The opposite positions led to the dissolution of the group, and the left-wing Catalan nationalism was seriously weakened for decades. The conservative elements of Catalan nationalism founded the League of Catalonia in 1887 who, in 1891, were united with the group
La Renaixença, creating the
Unió Catalanista (Catalanist Union). The
Unió redacted, in 1892, the Basis of Catalan regional autonomy, also known as
Bases de Manresa, a program that demanded a specific autonomy for Catalonia. In 1901
Enric Prat de la Riba and
Francesc Cambó formed the
Regionalist League (
Lliga Regionalista), which in 1906 led the successful electoral coalition
Solidaritat Catalana, created by diverse Catalan political groups (from conservative to Catalan left-wing nationalists and from republicanism to carlism) as a response to
Cu-Cut! affair, in which officers of the Spanish Army, angry with this satirical magazine for publish an offending joke about the war in Morocco, stormed the Cu-Cut! offices, and the subsequent "
Ley de Jurisdicciones", that punish the "crimes" and "insults" against the army and the symbols of the nation, putting them under military trials. Catalan nationalism, under the leadership of Prat de la Riba, achieved in 1913 a victory in obtaining partial self-government for the "
Commonwealth" (Catalan:
Mancomunitat; Spanish:
Mancomunidad), a grouping of the four Catalan provinces, presided over first by Prat de la Riba, and later by
Josep Puig i Cadafalch; this was later suppressed in March 1925, during the 1923–1930 dictatorship of
Miguel Primo de Rivera. The Commonwealth of Catalonia established a modern infrastructure, such as roads and telephones and expanded the culture (libraries, professional education, use and regulation of Catalan language, promotion of sciences...). In 1919, the
Commonwealth promoted the
first project of Statute of Autonomy, but the disagreements with the government of Madrid, the opposition of sectors of Spanish society and the coincidence with the rise of the
workers movement provoked the fall of the project. , flag used by
Estat Català and the most representative symbol of Catalan independence movement from the 1920s onwards The Catalan workers movement at the turn of the twentieth century consisted of three tendencies:
syndicalism, socialism, and
anarchism, part of the last openly embracing "propaganda of the deed" as advocated by
Alejandro Lerroux. Along with
Asturias, Catalonia in general and Barcelona in particular was a center of radical labor agitation, marked by numerous general strikes, assassinations (especially in the late 1910s), and the rise of the pro-anarchist
Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour, CNT, founded in Barcelona in 1910). Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the
Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909, resulting in the deaths of over 100 citizens. The anarchists had been active throughout the early 20th century, achieving, after a
successful strike which paralyzed much of the industry of Catalonia, the first
eight-hour workday of Western Europe in 1919. The escalating violence between Catalan workers and the Catalan bourgeoisie (
Pistolerismo) led the latter to embrace the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, despite his centralizing tendencies. (
See also Anarchism in Spain). The initial acceptance of the Dictatorship by the conservative League made the Catalan nationalism progressively more
leftist (with the rise of parties as
Acció Catalana,
Catalan Republican Party or the
Socialist Union of Catalonia) and, some of them, also pro-independence (
Estat Català). Despite this tolerance, Primo de Rivera abolished the Commonwealth of Catalonia in 1925 and started a policy of repression against the Catalan nationalism, Catalan language and
labour movement (especially anarchism and
communism). In 1926, Estat Català
tried to liberate Catalonia with a little army (established in the town of
Prats de Molló in
Roussillon, France), led by
Francesc Macià, and proclaim the independent
Catalan Republic, but the complot was discovered by the French police. Macià and the Catalan issue gained popularity all over the world. During the last steps of the Dictatorship, Barcelona celebrated the
1929 International Exposition, while Spain started to suffer an economical crisis caused by the economical policy of the government and the
Wall Street crash.
Republic and autonomy proclaiming the Catalan Republic on 14 April 1931 in Barcelona After the fall of Primo de Rivera, the Catalan
left made great efforts to create a united front under the leadership of left-wing independentist leader
Francesc Macià, founder of Estat Català. The
Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (
Republican Left of Catalonia, or ERC) represented a break with the electoral abstentionism that, until then had been characteristic of the Catalan workers. Advocating moderate
socialism,
republicanism and Catalan
self-determination, the party achieved a spectacular victory in the municipal elections of 12 April 1931, which preceded the 14 April proclamation of the
Second Spanish Republic. After a brief proclamation of the
Catalan Republic (14–17 April) by the ERC leader, Francesc Macià, the
Generalitat of Catalonia was revived as an autonomous government, and a
Statute of Autonomy for Catalonia was approved on 9 September 1932 by the Cortes of the Republic after many discussions and political difficulties that considerably amended the original project. The Statute gave a strong, though not absolute, grant of self-government, and declared Catalan as official language in Catalonia alongside Spanish. A similar statute granted autonomy to the
Basque Country, few years later. The
Parliament of Catalonia was elected on 20 November 1932, and ERC won a large majority of seats, while the Regionalist League, almost hegemonic during the Monarchy, came in second place but far behind ERC. Under its two presidents,
Francesc Macià (1931–1933) and
Lluís Companys (1934–1939), the Republican Generalitat, democratically led by the left, carried out a considerable task in different areas such as culture, health, education and civil law, despite the serious economic crisis that the Republic inherited, its social repercussions, the low fiscal autonomy granted by the Statute, and the political vicissitudes of the period. On 25 December 1933 Macià died and the Parliament appointed Companys as new president. Under his presidency, the Parliament continued to legislate in order to improve the living conditions of the popular classes and the petite bourgeoisie, approving laws like the
Crop Contracts Law, which protected the tenant farmers and granted access to the land they were cultivating, but it was contested by the Regionalist League and provoking a legal dispute with the Spanish government led by
Ricardo Samper, rising the tensions. Meanwhile, the Generalitat established its own Court of Cassation (Catalan:
Tribunal de Cassació) and assumed executive powers in public order. The Statute was suspended in 1934, due to
an uprising in Barcelona on 6 October of that year. President Companys proclaimed the
Catalan State of the Spanish Federal Republic, as a response to the accession of right-wing Spanish nationalist party
CEDA to the government of the Republic. The CEDA was considered close to
fascism and, therefore, they feared that it was the first step of this party to suppress the autonomy and take the power in Spain as
Hitler and
Dollfuss made in Germany and Austria. The proclamation was quickly suppressed by the Spanish army, and the Catalan Government members were arrested. As for the workers' movement, there was a crisis in the CNT (the greatest trade union in Catalonia at the time) with the break-away faction in the 1930s and its hostility against the Republic as a bourgeoisie regime growth, realizing demonstrations,
general strikes and proclamations of the libertarian communism in some places like in the Alt Llobregat mining area in 1932, while the Marxist parties were progressively unified with the formation of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (,
POUM) in September 1935 and
Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (Catalan:
Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya, PSUC) in July 1936. After the electoral victory of the left in the
Spanish general election of February 1936 the government of the Generalitat was pardoned and reinstated in their functions. The period between that event and the military rebellion of July 1936 is considered as relatively peaceful in Catalonia, in contrast with the rest of Spain. The Parliament restored their legislative activities and the government prepared the
People's Olympiad in Barcelona, as a response against the
1936 Summer Olympics held in
Berlin, which was then under control of
Nazi Germany, but the same day of its planned inauguration (19 July), the Spanish Army carried out a partially failed coup d'état which led to the
Spanish Civil War.
Civil War The defeat of the initial
military rebellion against the Republican government in Barcelona by forces of the Generalitat and workers' militias placed Catalonia firmly in the
Republican camp. The loyalist victory allowed to the workers' self-armed militias, predominantly anarchists, to become the real power of the streets, which meant the beginning of a harsh repression in Catalonia against those elements of being "fascist" or right-wing sympathizers. Both the Generalitat and the central government were unable to stop the arbitrary revolutionary violence. During the war, there were two powers coexisting in Catalonia: the
de jure power of the Generalitat and the
de facto power of the
armed popular militias. In order to begin the recovering of some control of the situation, Companys authorized on July 21 the establishment of a joint body by the different Catalan republican parties and the anarchist
CNT and socialist
UGT trade unions, The
Central Committee of Antifascist Militias of Catalonia (CCMA), becoming the effective Catalan government until its dissolution, two months later, replaced by a new government of the Generalitat which included anarchist ministers. Throughout Catalonia many sectors of the economy fell under the control of the CNT and the UGT, where workers' self-management was implemented. These included any kind of industry and services and thousands of dwellings previously owned by the upper classes. Initially, the newly collectivized factories encountered various problems. In response to these problems, the Generalitat, backed by the CNT approved a decree on "Collectivization and Workers' Control" on 24 October 1936. Under this decree all firms with more than 100 workers were to be collectivized and those with 100 or less could be collectivized if a majority of workers agreed. Violent confrontations between the workers' parties culminated in the defeat of the CNT-FAI and POUM in the 1937
May Days, against whom the PSUC unleashed strong repression. The local situation resolved itself progressively in favor of the Generalitat, but at the same time the Generalitat partially lost its autonomous power within republican Spain. The military forces of the Generalitat, weakly structured between December 1936 and May 1937 in the
People's Army of Catalonia (
Exèrcit Popular de Catalunya), were concentrated on two fronts: Aragon and Majorca. The latter was an utter disaster. The Aragon front resisted firmly until 1938, when the occupation of
Lleida and
Balaguer destabilized it. Finally, Franco's troops broke the republican territory in two by occupying the Valencian coastal town of
Vinaròs, isolating Catalonia from the rest of Republican Spain. The defeat of the Republican army in the
Battle of the Ebro led in 1938 and 1939 to the
occupation of Catalonia by Franco's forces, who abolished completely the Catalan self-government and brought in a dictatorial regime, which took strong measures against Catalan nationalism and culture. Only forty years later, after Franco's death (1975) and the adoption of a democratic constitution in Spain (1978), did Catalonia recover its autonomy and reconstitute the Generalitat (1977).
George Orwell served with the POUM in Catalonia from December 1936 until June 1937. His memoir of that time,
Homage to Catalonia, was first published in 1938 and foreshadowed the causes of
Second World War. It remains one of the most widely read books on the Spanish Civil War. ==Contemporary period (1939–present)==