Until the 16th century, yeomen were mentioned either as servants in Norman French-speaking aristocratic households, or as members of the English army or navy in the Anglo-Norman kings' military expeditions across the English Channel. It was not until Middle English became England's official language during the 14th century and the new social stratum of yeoman freeholders gained respectability during the 15th century, that the oral ballads repeated by previous generations of English-speaking yeomen were written down and distributed to a wider audience. The best-known ballads were about the yeoman outlaw Robyn Hode (Robin Hood, in modern spelling).
A J Pollard, in his book
Imagining Robin Hood: The Late Medieval Stories in Historical Context, proposed that the first Robin Hood was a literary fiction of the 15th and early 16th centuries. This does not mean that Pollard claims that Robin Hood was
not historical. He considers that what modern popular culture
thinks it knows about Robin is actually based upon how previous generations over the last 500 years have viewed him. The historical Robyn Hode was (or were, in the case of there possibly being several men whose exploits were melded into the single individual of the ballads) of secondary importance to his cultural symbolism for succeeding generations. In his review of Pollard's book, Thomas Ohlgren, one of the editors of the University of Rochester's
The Robin Hood Project, agreed with this assessment. Because
A Gest of Robyn Hode is a 16th-century collective memory of a fictional past, it can also be seen as a reflection of the century in which it was written. Following in the footsteps of Pollard and Ohlgren, this section examines some of the literature written in Late Middle English and Early Modern English to explore how the historical Yeoman was slowly transformed by succeeding generations into a legend for their own times.
A Gest of Robyn Hode Rhymes (
ballads) of Robin Hood were being sung as early as the 1370s.
William Langland, the author of
Piers Plowman, has Sloth say that he does not know his
Pater Noster (Latin for the
Our Father prayer) as perfectly as the priest sings it, but he does know the rhymes of Robin Hood. Unfortunately, the rhymes that William Langland heard have not survived. The earliest surviving ballads are
Robin Hood and the Monk (dated to 1450),
Robin Hood and the Potter (dated to about 1500), and
A Gest of Robyn Hode. The oldest copies of
A Gest of Robyn Hode are print editions dated between 1510 and 1530. These early rhymes are witnesses to a crucial time in English history. The 14th–15th centuries saw the rise of the common people's Middle English over the decline of the aristocrats'
Norman French, the military prowess of the yeoman longbowmen during the Hundred Years War (see
Yeoman Archers), and the beginnings of a yeoman class (see
Social Class of Small Freeholders). In the
Gest, Robin is an
outlaw (meaning "outside the law"); someone who was summoned to a law court, but failed to appear. He has gathered around himself a fellowship of "sevenscore men", that is, 140 skilled bowmen. Nevertheless, Robin is the King's Man: "I love no man in all the world/So well as I do my king;". Disguised as a monk carrying the King's Seal, King Edward finally meets Robin, and is invited to a feast. During the archery contest afterwards, Robin suddenly recognizes Edward. He immediately kneels to offer homage, asking for mercy for his men. Edward grants pardon, and invites Robin to court. Robin agrees, and offers his men as a retinue. Note how Robin's behavior fits a commander of men. This entire scene is reminiscent of the contracted indenture offered by Edward III, where pardons were granted for war service (see
Yeoman Archers). It is interesting that this historical detail had been preserved in the
Gest of Robyn Hode. These earliest ballads contain clues to the changes in the English social structure which elevated the yeoman to a more powerful and influential level (see
A Chivalric Rank). In the box to the left is the opening of
Robin Hood and the Potter. (Note that all quotations have modern spelling, and obsolete words have been substituted.) The audience is addressed as "good yeomen", and yeoman Robin is described as possessing the "
knightly virtues" of courtesy (good manners), goodness, generosity, and a
devotion to the Virgin Mary. Thomas Ohlgren, a Robin Hood scholar, considers this to be an indication of the social changes the yeomen were undergoing. The yeomen may be lower in social rank to the knight, but they see themselves as possessing the traits of the knightly class. In the box to the right, the opening lines of
Gest of Robyn Hode offer confirmation that yeomen now consider themselves as part of the gentry. The audience is now composed of "gentlemen". Stephen Knight and Thomas Ohlgren suggest that the "Gest" audience was a literate audience interested in political resistance. This interpretation appears to be supported by the rise of the new social class of yeoman (see
Social Class of Small Freeholders).
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales include several characters described as yeoman, shedding light on the nature of the yeoman in the late 14th century when the work was written.
General Prologue: The Yeoman In the
General Prologue, Chaucer describes The Yeoman as being the only servant The Knight wanted on the pilgrimage. From the way he was dressed, Chaucer supposes he is a
forester. The man is wearing a green
tunic and
hood. His hair is closely cropped, his face is tanned and weather-beaten, and his horn is slung from a green
baldric. The Yeoman is well-armed. He carries a "mighty bow" in his hand with a sheaf of arrows hung from his belt. Chaucer points out that the peacock feather fletching was well-made. The archer obviously took great care when making his arrows. He also carries a sword, a
buckler, and a small dagger. (Note the similarity between this yeoman's accoutrements and those of the ''Yeomen of the King's Crown''.) The forester's final protection is a medal of
Saint Christopher, the patron saint of travelers. Chaucer's description of a forester is based upon his experiences as a deputy forester of
North Petherton Park in Somersetshire. The very first line of The Yeoman's description is the statement the Knight wanted no other servant. Kenneth J Thompson quoted Earle Birney as saying that a forester was the only attendant the Knight needed; he was a "huntsman-forester, knight's bodyguard, squire's attendant, lord's retainer, king's foot-soldier". The forester's job was to protect the
vert and venison – the deer and the
Royal forest they inhabited. The foresters not only discouraged
poaching, but provided winter feed, and cared for newly born calves. The medieval English foresters also provided basic
woodland management by preventing unauthorized grazing, and illegal logging. Another function of the forester was assist the King's Huntsmen in planning the
royal hunts. The foresters knew the game animals, and where to find them. When his lord was campaigning in wartime, the forester was capable of providing additional meat for the lord's table. During the 1358–60 campaign in France, Edward III had 30 falconers on horseback, and 60 couples (or pairs) of hounds. The Yeoman has his "mighty bow" (most probably a longbow) at the ready, implying he is on duty serving as bodyguard against highwaymen and robbers. He carries a sheaf of arrows under his belt, which implies an
arrow bag suspended from his belt. Chaucer's description of The Yeoman has been interpreted as an
iconographic representation of the dutiful servant, diligent and always ready to serve. In other words, the very picture of
yeoman service. Thompson quotes an interesting excerpt from the
Anonimalle Chronicle. It is part of the description of King John II's journey to London, after he had been captured by the
Black Prince at the
Battle of Poitiers: :"On their way through England, the King of England aforesaid caused many lords and other people of the countryside to meet them, in a forest, dressed in coats and mantles of green. And when the said King of France passed through the said forest, the said men showed themselves in front of the King of France and his company, like robbers or malefactors with bows and arrows and with swords and bucklers; and the King of France marveled greatly at the sight, asking what manner of men these were. And the prince answered that these were men of England, forest-dweller, living as they pleased in the wild; and it was their custom to be arrayed thus every day." The encounter was obviously some political posturing staged by Edward III for the benefit of the French king. It displayed the opposition the French army would face should the King decide to invade England.
The Friar's Tale In the tale told by the Friar, the devil assumes the disguise of a yeoman dressed in a green tunic, a hat with black fringes, and carrying a bow and some arrows. The devil meets a summoner on his rounds. The tale continues as a scathing condemnation of the vile corruption of the summoner, whom the devil eventually takes to hell: :"And with that word this foul fiend seized him; :Body and soul he with the devil went :Where summoners have their heritage."
The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue Chaucer constructed this tale quite differently than the other ones. The
Canon and his Yeoman are not part of the original party. They are introduced when the group reaches
Boughton under Blean, only 5 miles from Canterbury. From the top of Boughton Hill, those traveling along the
Pilgrim's Way from London can see the towers of
Canterbury Cathedral for the first time. This close proximity to Canterbury makes the entrance of the Canon and his Yeoman suspicious. Even more suspicious is the sudden exit of the Canon, leaving his Yeoman to tell the tale himself. Two Chaucerian scholars have different but complementary interpretations, and neither concern a satire on
alchemy. Albert E Hartung proposes that the ''Canon's Yeoman's Prologue
is a device to include a previously written story into the Canterbury Tales
as the Pars Secunda''. Jackson J. Campbell proposes the interruption of the pilgrims' journey by the Canon and his yeoman so near to Canterbury is a device to prepare for the Parson's Tale, which is actually a sermon. Both interpretations place importance on the characterization of the Yeoman. Hartung proposes that the real reason the Canon rode so fast and so hard to join the pilgrims is that he was seeking new victims. The Yeoman urges that it would be to the pilgrims' advantage to know the Canon better; that he is a remarkable man. The Canon knows the secret of turning the road they are traveling upside down, and repaving it with silver and gold. When The Host asks why The Canon is dressed in dirty rags, when he can afford clothes of the finest material, the Yeoman deftly replies that the Canon will never prosper, because his faith will not allow him to enrich himself though his knowledge. The impression that it was time for the Canon and his Yeoman to move on is reinforced by the Yeoman's description of where they lived: :"In the outskirts of a town," said he, :"Lurking in hiding places and in dead-end alleys, :Where these robbers and these thieves by nature :Hold their private fearful residence, ..." (lines 657–660) At this point the Canon reins his horse in beside his Yeoman, demanding that he not reveal any secrets. The Host dismisses the Canon's threats as mere bluster, and the Canon gallops away. The Yeoman's reaction implies that he may have hoped that this would happen. It was the Yeoman who noticed the Pilgrims leaving the hostelry that morning, and informed the Canon. At this point, at the beginning of the
Prima Pars ("First Part"), Campbell draws attention to the Yeoman's manner of speaking. He notes that the Yeoman rambles on impulsively in an unorganized fashion. His speech is full of
free association and
stream of consciousness.(p 174, 176) Seeing the Canon ride off unleashes a torrent of inventive against the Canon – and against himself. He sorrowfully remembers when his face was fresh and ruddy; now it is the color of lead. He used to wear fine clothing and have "splendid furnishings", now he wears a legging on his head. When their experiments failed to convert one gold coin into two, he borrowed the gold to pay the customer. Campbell describes the self-revulsion felt by the Yeoman for the futility of alchemy, and the deception and dishonesty employed while searching for the philosopher's stone. He hates it, but is fascinated by it at the same time. Hartung agrees that Chaucer is presenting the pursuit of the
philosopher's stone as an affliction He contrasts the Yeoman's Canon in the
Prima Parta with the charlatan alchemist in the
Pars Secunda ("Second Part") of the ''Yeoman's Tale''. Huntung proposes that this part of the Tale was composed for an audience of clergymen. The alchemist is compared with the devil, and the "worshipful canons" who pursue the study of alchemy are no better than
Judas, who betrayed Jesus for 30 pieces of silver. But the tirade is not against alchemy itself. The penitent Yeoman reinforces the overall theme of
pilgrimage, with its emphasis on
repentance, and
forgiveness. Chaucer is preparing the reader (or listener) for the ''Parson's Tale'', which a sermon about penitence, "which can not fail to man nor to woman who through sin has gone astray from the right way to Jerusalem celestial".
Shakespeare's Henry V The initial performance of
William Shakespeare's play
Henry V was in 1599. The focus of the play was the
Battle of Agincourt, which had occurred 184 years before. It is a rousing patriotic play, but it was also propaganda.
Elizabeth I sat upon a shaky throne. The Catholic threat from Spain and at home, war with Spain, concern over who she would marry, concern over the succession. The
Nine Years War was underway. The English army had suffered defeat by the Irish at the
Battle of the Yellow Ford in 1598. Elizabeth and her counsellors were preparing an invasion in 1599. However, her Privy Council was no longer composed of her most trusted advisors. Most of them –
Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester,
Sir Francis Walsingham, and
Sir Christopher Hatton had died by 1591.
William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley died in 1598. The council was split between
Robert Cecil (Burghley's son) and
Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, who were locked in a bitter rivalry. In 1599, Elizabeth was 66 years old, and
her personal power was waning. She could not prevent the execution of her personal physician,
Roderigo Lopez on a false charge of treason brought by the Earl of Essex. In spite of his irresponsibility, the Earl of Essex
was appointed Lord Lord Lieutenant, and given command of the 16,000-man Irish invasion force. Shakespeare wrote
Henry V to rally support for the Ireland invasion. The play followed naturally after his
Henry IV, Part 2, written between 1576 and 1599. Henry's victory at Agincourt in spite of overwhelming odds was the perfect plot.
Shakespeare presented Henry's invasion of France and his Agincourt victory in all its complexity. The play can be interpreted either as a celebration of Henry's military skill, or as an examination of the moral and human cost of war. In the famous rousing call to action in act 3, scene 1, Henry urges his yeomen to show the French what fine bowmen are raised in England. His yeomen are not "mean and base", but possess a "noble luster" in their eyes. "Unto the breach, dear friends, once more", he almost pleads. The yeomen have been besieging Harfleur for over a month; they are suffering from dysentery. "Follow your spirit" and charge, Henry commands. But Shakespeare's
ultimate speech comes on 25 October in act 4, scene 3. Henry now calls his army a "band of brothers". The camaraderie of combat has made gentlemen of them all. When they hear a veteran speak of what happened on
St Crispin's Day, "gentlemen in England" will be ashamed of being asleep in bed at the time such deeds were done. == Yeomen in 19th century Romanticism ==