Generations of settlers have migrated over the centuries to France, creating a variegated grouping of peoples. Thus the historian
John F. Drinkwater states, "The French are, paradoxically, strongly conscious of belonging to a single nation, but they hardly constitute a unified ethnic group by any scientific gauge." The modern French are the descendants of mixtures including
Romans,
Celts,
Iberians,
Ligurians and
Greeks in southern France,
Germanic peoples arriving at the end of the
Roman Empire such as the
Franks and the
Burgundians, and some
Vikings who mixed with the
Normans and settled mostly in
Normandy in the 9th century. According to
Dominique Schnapper, "The classical conception of the nation is that of an entity which, opposed to the ethnic group, affirms itself as an open community, the will to live together expressing itself by the acceptation of the rules of a unified public domain which transcends all particularisms". The conventional conception of French history starts with Ancient Gaul, and French national identity often views the Gauls as national precursors, either as biological ancestors (hence the refrain
nos ancêtres les Gaulois), as emotional/spiritual ancestors, or both.
Vercingetorix, the Gaulish chieftain who tried to unite the various Gallic tribes of the land against Roman encroachment but was ultimately vanquished by
Julius Caesar, is often revered as a "first national hero". In the famously popular French comic
Asterix, the main characters are patriotic Gauls who fight against Roman invaders and declared that "New France, ancient France, Gaul are one and the same moral person." It has been noted that the French view of having Gallic origins has evolved over history. Before the French Revolution, it divided social classes, with the peasants identifying with the native Gauls while the aristocracy identified with the Franks. During the early nineteenth century, intellectuals began using the identification with Gaul instead as a unifying force to bridge divisions within French society with a common
national origin myth. Myriam Krepps of the University of Nebraska-Omaha argues that the view of "a unified territory (one land since the beginning of civilization) and a unified people" which de-emphasized "all disparities and the succession of waves of invaders" was first imprinted on the masses by the unified history curriculum of French textbooks in the late 1870s.
Nationality and citizenship French nationality has not meant automatic citizenship. Some categories of French people have been excluded, throughout the years, from full citizenship: •
Women: until the Liberation, they were deprived of the
right to vote. The
provisional government of General
de Gaulle accorded them this right by 21 April 1944 prescription. However, women are still under-represented in the political class. The
6 June 2000 law on parity attempted to address this question by imposing a de facto quota system for women in French politics. •
Military: for a long time, it was called "
la grande muette" ("the great mute") in reference to its prohibition from interfering in political life. During a large part of the
Third Republic (1871–1940), the Army was in its majority
anti-republican (and thus
counterrevolutionary). The
Dreyfus Affair and the
16 May 1877 crisis, which almost led to a
monarchist ''
coup d'état'' by
MacMahon, are examples of this anti-republican spirit. Therefore, they would only gain the right to vote with the 17 August 1945 prescription: the contribution of De Gaulle to the interior
French Resistance reconciled the Army with the Republic. Nevertheless, militaries do not benefit from the whole of public liberties, as the 13 July 1972 law on the general statute of militaries specify. • Young people: the July 1974 law, voted at the instigation of president
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, reduced from 21 to 18 the
age of majority. •
Naturalized foreigners: since the 9 January 1973 law, foreigners who have acquired French nationality do not have to wait five years after their naturalization to be able to vote anymore. •
Inhabitants of the colonies: the 7 May 1946 law meant that soldiers from the "Empire" (such as the
tirailleurs) killed during
World War I and
World War II were not citizens. • The special case of
foreign citizens of an EU member state who, even if not French, are allowed to vote in
European and
French local elections if living in France, and may turn to any French consular or diplomatic mission if there is no such representations of their own country. • Some French people convicted by a court may be deprived of their civil rights, up to 10 years. France was one of the first countries to implement
denaturalization laws. Philosopher
Giorgio Agamben has pointed out this fact that the 1915 French law which permitted denaturalization with regard to naturalized citizens of "enemy" origins was one of the first example of such legislation, which
Nazi Germany later implemented with the 1935
Nuremberg Laws. Furthermore, some authors who have insisted on the "crisis of the nation-state" allege that nationality and citizenship are becoming separate concepts. They show as example "international", "
supranational citizenship" or "
world citizenship" (membership to
international nongovernmental organizations such as
Amnesty International or
Greenpeace). This would indicate a path toward a "
postnational citizenship".
Multiculturalism versus universalism , a mixed-race French general and colonial administrator born in Senegal In France, the conception of citizenship teeters between
universalism and
multiculturalism. French citizenship has been defined for a long time by three factors: integration,
individual adherence, and the primacy of the soil (
jus soli). Political integration (which includes but is not limited to
racial integration) is based on voluntary policies which aims at creating a common identity and the interiorization by each individual of a common cultural and historic legacy. Since in France, the state preceded the nation, voluntary policies have taken an important place in the creation of this common
cultural identity. On the other hand, the interiorization of a common legacy is a slow process, which B. Villalba compares to
acculturation. According to him, "integration is therefore the result of a double will: the nation's will to create a common culture for all members of the nation, and the communities' will living in the nation to recognize the legitimacy of this common culture". Therefore, according to Villalba, "a democratic nation is, by definition, multicultural as it gathers various populations, which differs by their regional origins (Auvergnats, Bretons, Corsicans or Lorrainers...), their national origins (immigrant, son or grandson of an immigrant), or religious origins (Catholics, Protestants, Jews, Muslims, Agnostics or Atheists...)." According to him, to belong to a
nation is a
subjective act which always has to be repeated, as it is not assured by
objective criteria. A
nation-state is not composed of a single homogeneous ethnic group (a community), but of a variety of individuals willing to live together. Renan's non-essentialist definition, which forms the basis of the French Republic, is diametrically opposed to the
German ethnic conception of a nation, first formulated by
Fichte. The German conception is usually qualified in France as an "exclusive" view of nationality, as it includes only the members of the corresponding ethnic group, while the Republican conception thinks itself as
universalist, following the
Enlightenment's ideals officialized by the 1789
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. While Ernest Renan's arguments were also concerned by the debate about the disputed
Alsace-Lorraine region, he said that not only one
referendum had to be made in order to ask the opinions of the Alsatian people, but also a "daily referendum" should be made concerning all those citizens wanting to live in the French nation-state. This
plébiscite de tous les jours ('everyday plebiscite') might be compared to a
social contract or even to the classic definition of
consciousness as an act which repeats itself endlessly. Henceforth, contrary to the German definition of a nation based on objective criteria, such as
race or
ethnic group, which may be defined by the existence of a common
language, among other criteria, the people of France is defined as all the people living in the French nation-state and willing to do so, i.e. by its citizenship. This definition of the French nation-state contradicts the
common opinion, which holds that the concept of the French people identifies with one particular
ethnic group. This contradiction explains the seeming paradox encountered when attempting to identify a "French
ethnic group": the French conception of the nation is radically opposed to (and was thought in opposition to) the German conception of the
Volk ("ethnic group"). This universalist conception of citizenship and of the nation has influenced the French model of
colonization. While the
British Empire preferred an
indirect rule system, which did not mix the colonized people with the colonists, the French Republic theoretically chose an integration system and considered parts of its
colonial empire as France itself and its population as French people. The ruthless
conquest of Algeria thus led to the integration of the territory as a
Département of the French territory. This ideal also led to the ironic sentence which opened up history textbooks in France as in its colonies: "Our ancestors the Gauls...". However, this universal ideal, rooted in the 1789 French Revolution ("bringing liberty to the people"), suffered from the
racism that impregnated colonialism. Thus, in Algeria, the
Crémieux decrees at the end of the 19th century gave French citizenship to north African Jews, while Muslims were regulated by the 1881 Indigenous Code. Liberal author
Tocqueville himself considered that the British model was better adapted than the French one and did not balk before the cruelties of
General Bugeaud's conquest. He went as far as advocating
racial segregation there. This paradoxical tension between the universalist conception of the French nation and the racist attitudes intermingled into colonization is most obvious in Ernest Renan himself, who went as far as advocating a kind of
eugenics. In a 26 June 1856 letter to
Arthur de Gobineau, author of
An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races (1853–1855) and one of the first theoreticians of "
scientific racism", he wrote: You have written a remarkable book here, full of vigour and originality of mind, only it's written to be little understood in France or rather it's written to be misunderstood here. The French mind turns little to ethnographic considerations: France has little belief in race, [...] The fact of race is huge originally; but it's been continually losing its importance, and sometimes, as in France, it happens to disappear completely. Does that mean total decadence? Yes, certainly from the standpoint of the stability of institutions, the originality of character, a certain nobility that I hold to be the most important factor in the conjunction of human affairs. But also what compensations! No doubt if the noble elements mixed in the blood of a people happened to disappear completely, then there would be a demeaning equality, like that of some Eastern states and in some respects China. But it is in fact a very small amount of noble blood put into the circulation of a people that is enough to ennoble them, at least as to historical effects; this is how France, a nation so completely fallen into commonness, in practice plays on the world stage the role of a gentleman. Setting aside the quite inferior races whose intermingling with the great races would only poison the human species, I see in the future a homogeneous humanity.
Jus soli and jus sanguinis During the
Ancien Régime (before the 1789 French revolution),
jus soli (or "right of territory") was predominant. Feudal law recognized personal allegiance to the
sovereign, but the subjects of the sovereign were defined by their birthland. According to the 3 September 1791 Constitution, those who are born in France from a foreign father and have fixed their residency in France, or those who, after being born in a foreign country from a French father, have come to France and have sworn their civil oath, become French citizens. Because of the war, distrust toward foreigners led to the obligation on the part of this last category to swear a civil oath in order to gain French nationality. However, the
Napoleonic Code would insist on
jus sanguinis ("right of blood").
Paternity, against Napoléon Bonaparte's wish, became the principal criterion of nationality, and therefore broke for the first time with the ancient tradition of
jus soli, by breaking any residency condition toward children born abroad from French parents. However, according to
Patrick Weil, it was not "ethnically motivated" but "only meant that family links transmitted by the pater familias had become more important than subjecthood". With the 7 February 1851 law, voted during the
Second Republic (1848–1852), "double
jus soli" was introduced in French legislation, combining birth origin with paternity. Thus, it gave French nationality to the child of a foreigner, if both are born in France, except if the year following his coming of age he reclaims a foreign nationality (thus prohibiting
dual nationality). This 1851 law was in part passed because of
conscription concerns. This system more or less remained the same until the 1993 reform of the Nationality Code, created by 9 January 1973 law. The 1993 reform, which defines the
Nationality law, is deemed controversial by some. It commits young people born in France to foreign parents to solicit French nationality between the ages of 16 and 21. This has been criticized, some arguing that the principle of equality before the law was not complied with, since French nationality was no longer given automatically at birth, as in the classic "double
jus soli" law, but was to be requested when approaching adulthood. Henceforth, children born in France from French parents were differentiated from children born in France from foreign parents, creating a hiatus between these two categories. The 1993 reform was prepared by the
Pasqua laws. The first Pasqua law, in 1986, restricts residence conditions in France and facilitates
expulsions. With this 1986 law, a child born in France from foreign parents can only acquire French nationality by demonstrating a will to do so, at age 16, by proving haven been schooled in France and has a sufficient command of the French language. This new policy is symbolized by the expulsion of 101
Malians by
charter. If they do not, they are considered "
illegal aliens". Some argue that this privation of nationality and citizenship does not square with their contribution to the national economic efforts, and thus to
economic growth. In any cases, rights of foreigners in France have improved over the last half-century: • 1946: right to elect
trade union representative (but not to be elected as a representative) • 1968: right to become a trade-union delegate • 1972: right to sit in
works council and to be a delegate of the workers at the condition of "knowing how to read and write French" • 1975: additional condition: "to be able to express oneself in French"; they may vote at ''prud'hommes elections'' ("industrial tribunal elections") but may not be elected; foreigners may also have administrative or leadership positions in tradeunions but under various conditions • 1982: those conditions are suppressed, only the function of ''conseiller prud'hommal'' is reserved to those who have acquired French nationality. They may be elected in workers' representation functions (Auroux laws). They also may become administrators in public structures such as
Social security banks (
caisses de sécurité sociale), OPAC (which administers
HLMs), Ophlm... • 1992: for European Union citizens, right to vote at the European elections, first exercised during the
1994 European elections, and at municipal elections (first exercised during the 2001 municipal elections).
Statistics The
INSEE does not collect data about language, religion, or ethnicity – on the principle of the secular and unitary nature of the French Republic. Nevertheless, there are some sources dealing with just such distinctions: • The
CIA World Factbook defines the ethnic groups of France as being "Celtic and Latin with Teutonic, Slavic, North African, Sub-Saharan African, Indochinese, and Basque minorities. Overseas departments: black, white, mulatto, East Indian, Chinese, Amerindian". Its definition is reproduced on several Web sites collecting or reporting demographic data. • The U.S. Department of State goes into further detail: "Since prehistoric times, France has been a crossroads of trade, travel, and invasion. Three basic
European ethnic stocks – Celtic, Latin, and Teutonic (Frankish) – have blended over the centuries to make up its present population. . . . Traditionally, France has had a high level of immigration. . . . In 2004, there were over 6 million Muslims, largely of North African descent, living in France. France is home to both the largest Muslim and Jewish populations in Europe." • The
Encyclopædia Britannica says that "the French are strongly conscious of belonging to a single nation, but they hardly constitute a unified ethnic group by any scientific gauge", and it mentions as part of the population of France the
Basques, the
Celts (called
Gauls by Romans), and the
Germanic (Teutonic) peoples (including the
Norsemen or
Vikings). France also became "in the 19th and especially in the 20th century, the prime recipient of foreign immigration into Europe. . . ."
Immigration As of 2008, the French national institute of statistics
INSEE estimated that 5.3 million foreign-born immigrants and 6.5 million direct descendants of immigrants (born in France with at least one immigrant parent) lived in France representing a total of 11.8 million and 19% of the total population in
metropolitan France (62.1 million in 2008). Among them, about 5.5 million are of
European origin and 4 million of North African origin. ==Populations with French ancestry==