The initial development of a pidgin usually requires: • prolonged, regular contact between the different language communities • a need to communicate between them • an absence of (or absence of widespread proficiency in) a widespread, accessible
interlanguage Keith Whinnom (in ) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. Linguists sometimes posit that pidgins can become
creole languages when a generation of children learn a pidgin as their first language, a process that regularizes speaker-dependent variation in grammar. Creoles can then replace the existing mix of languages to become the native language of a community (such as the
Chavacano language in the
Philippines,
Krio in
Sierra Leone, and
Tok Pisin in
Papua New Guinea). However, not all pidgins become creole languages; a pidgin may die out before this phase would occur (e.g. the
Mediterranean Lingua Franca). Other scholars, such as
Salikoko Mufwene, argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged among trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often
indentured servants whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European
slaves, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily
basilectalized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary. == List of notable pidgins ==