While the contemporary
Kharoṣṭhī script is widely accepted to be a derivation of the
Aramaic alphabet, the genesis of the Brahmi script is less straightforward. Salomon reviewed existing theories in 1998, while Falk provided an overview in 1993. -
acrophonic origin of the Brahmi script, on the model of the
Egyptian hieroglyphic script, by
Alexander Cunningham in 1877. Early theories proposed a
pictographic-
acrophonic origin for the Brahmi script, on the model of the
Egyptian hieroglyphic script. These ideas however have lost credence, as they are "purely imaginative and speculative". Similar ideas have tried to connect the Brahmi script with the
Indus script, but they remain unproven, and particularly suffer from the fact that the Indus script is as yet undeciphered. Bühler's ideas have been particularly influential, though even by the 1895 date of his opus on the subject, he could identify no fewer than five competing theories of the origin, one positing an indigenous origin and the others deriving it from various Semitic models. The most disputed point about the origin of the Brahmi script has long been whether it was a purely indigenous development or was borrowed or derived from scripts that originated outside India. Goyal (1979) noted that most proponents of the indigenous view are fringe Indian scholars, whereas the theory of Semitic origin is held by "nearly all" Western scholars, and Salomon agrees with Goyal that there has been "nationalist bias" and "imperialist bias" on the two respective sides of the debate. In spite of this, the view of indigenous development had been prevalent among British scholars writing prior to Bühler: a passage by
Alexander Cunningham, one of the earliest indigenous origin proponents, suggests that, in his time, the indigenous origin was a preference of British scholars in opposition to the "unknown Western" origin preferred by
continental scholars. Cunningham in the seminal
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum of 1877 speculated that Brahmi characters were derived from, among other things, a pictographic principle based on the human body, but Bühler noted that, by 1891, Cunningham considered the origins of the script uncertain. Many scholars believe that Brahmi was likely derived from or influenced by a Semitic script model, with Aramaic being a leading candidate. However, the issue is not settled due to the lack of direct evidence and unexplained differences between Aramaic, Kharoṣṭhī, and Brahmi. Though Brahmi and the
Kharoṣṭhī script share some general features, the differences between the Kharosthi and Brahmi scripts are "much greater than their similarities", and "the overall differences between the two render a direct linear development connection unlikely", states Richard Salomon. Virtually all authors accept that regardless of the origins, the differences between the Indian script and those proposed to have influenced it are significant. The degree of Indian development of the Brahmi script in both the graphic form and the structure has been extensive. It is also widely accepted that theories about the
grammar of the Vedic language probably had a strong influence on this development. Some authors – both Western and Indian – suggest that Brahmi was borrowed or inspired by a Semitic script, invented in a short few years during the reign of Ashoka, and then used widely for Ashokan inscriptions. In contrast, multiple authors reject the idea of foreign influence.
Bruce Trigger states that Brahmi likely emerged from the Aramaic script (with extensive local development), but there is no evidence of a direct common source. According to Trigger, Brahmi was in use before the Ashoka pillars, at least by the 4th or 5th century BCE in
Sri Lanka and India, while Kharoṣṭhī was used only in northwest South Asia (eastern parts of modern Afghanistan and neighboring regions of Pakistan) for a while before it died out in the third century.
Semitic hypothesis Many scholars link the origin of Brahmi to Semitic script models, particularly Aramaic. The explanation of how this might have happened, the particular Semitic script, and the chronology of the derivation have been the subject of much debate. Bühler followed
Albrecht Weber in connecting it particularly to Phoenician, and proposed an early 8th century BCE date for the borrowing. A link to the
South Semitic scripts, a less prominent branch of the Semitic script family, has occasionally been proposed, but has not gained much acceptance. Finally, the Aramaic script being the prototype for Brahmi has been the more preferred hypothesis because of its geographic proximity to the Indian subcontinent, and its influence likely arising because Aramaic was the bureaucratic language of the Achaemenid empire. However, this hypothesis does not explain the mystery of why two very different scripts, Kharoṣṭhī and Brahmi, developed from the same Aramaic. A possible explanation might be that Ashoka created an imperial script for his edicts, but there is no evidence to support this conjecture. The chart below shows the close resemblance that four Brahmi letters have with the first four letters of Semitic script, the first column representing the
Phoenician alphabet.
Bühler's hypothesis According to the Semitic hypothesis as laid out by Bühler in 1898, the oldest Brahmi inscriptions were derived from a Phoenician prototype. Salomon states Bühler's arguments are "weak historical, geographical, and chronological justifications for a Phoenician prototype". Discoveries made since Bühler's proposal, such as of six Mauryan inscriptions in Aramaic, suggest Bühler's proposal about Phoenician as weak. It is more likely that Aramaic, which was virtually certainly the prototype for Kharoṣṭhī, also may have been the basis for Brahmi. However, it is unclear why the ancient Indians would have developed two very different scripts. According to Bühler, Brahmi added symbols for certain sounds not found in Semitic languages, and either deleted or repurposed symbols for Aramaic sounds not found in Prakrit. For example, Aramaic lacks the
phonetic retroflex feature that appears among Prakrit
dental stops, such as , and in Brahmi the symbols of the retroflex and non-retroflex consonants are graphically very similar, as if both had been derived from a single prototype. Aramaic did not have Brahmi's
aspirated consonants (, , etc.), whereas Brahmi did not have Aramaic's
emphatic consonants (''''), and it appears that these unneeded emphatic letters filled in for some of Brahmi's aspirates: Aramaic
q for Brahmi
kh, Aramaic
ṭ (Θ) for Brahmi
th (), etc. And just where Aramaic did not have a corresponding emphatic stop,
p, Brahmi seems to have doubled up for the corresponding aspirate: Brahmi
p and
ph are graphically very similar, as if taken from the same source in Aramaic
p. Bühler saw a systematic derivational principle for the other aspirates
ch,
jh,
ph,
bh, and
dh, which involved adding a curve or upward hook to the right side of the character (which has been speculated to derive from
h, ), while
d and
ṭ (not to be confused with the Semitic emphatic ) were derived by back formation from
dh and
ṭh. The attached table lists the correspondences between Brahmi and North Semitic scripts. Bühler states that both Phoenician and Brahmi had three voiceless
sibilants, but because the alphabetical ordering was lost, the correspondences among them are not clear. Bühler was able to suggest Brahmi derivatives corresponding to all of the 22 North Semitic characters, though clearly, as Bühler himself recognized, some are more confident than others. He tended to place much weight on phonetic congruence as a guideline, for example connecting
c to
tsade 𐤑 rather than
kaph 𐤊, as preferred by many of his predecessors. One of the key problems with a Phoenician derivation is the lack of evidence for historical contact with Phoenicians in the relevant period. Bühler explained this by proposing that the initial borrowing of Brahmi characters dates back considerably earlier than the earliest known evidence, as far back as 800 BCE, contemporary with the Phoenician glyph forms that he mainly compared. Bühler cited a near-modern practice of writing Brahmic scripts informally without vowel diacritics as a possible continuation of this earlier abjad-like stage in development. The weakest forms of the Semitic hypothesis are similar to Gnanadesikan's
trans-cultural diffusion view of the development of Brahmi and Kharoṣṭhī, in which the idea of alphabetic sound representation was learned from the Aramaic-speaking Persians, but much of the writing system was a novel development tailored to the phonology of Prakrit. Further evidence cited in favor of Persian influence has been the Hultzsch proposal in 1925 that the Prakrit/Sanskrit word for writing itself,
lipi is similar to the Old Persian word
dipi, suggesting a probable borrowing.
Greek-Semitic model hypothesis with Indian deities, in Greek and Brahmi.Obverse: With Greek legend: (
Basileōs Agathokleous).Reverse: With
Brahmi legend: . Unlike Bühler, Falk does not provide details of which and how the presumptive prototypes may have been mapped to the individual characters of Brahmi. Further, states Salomon, Falk accepts there are anomalies in phonetic value and diacritics in Brahmi script that are not found in the presumed Kharoṣṭhī script source. Falk attempts to explain these anomalies by reviving the Greek influence hypothesis, a hypothesis that had previously fallen out of favor. In 2023, Damodaram Pillai claimed to have adequately explained the derivation of each of the letters of the Brahmi script. He argues that Brahmi was not derived from a single script, but instead was a hybrid invention by ancient Indian scholars. They would have used Phoenician, Greek, ‘standard Aramaic’, as well as a particular form of Aramaic letters coming from the
Nabataean Aramaic, to invent Brahmi. According to him, “a form of Aramaic script intermediate to standard Aramaic and its daughter
Nabataean” was an important source of Brahmi. Thus, 15 letters of Brahmi were derived from the standard Aramaic, 7 were derived from “specific Nabataean letters”, 3 letters from Greek, 3 letters from Phoenician, and 1 Brahmi letter also came from the
Square Aramaic script. The Nabatean Aramaic script would have been introduced to India by traders from that region via the sea route. and the Assyriologist
Stephen Langdon. G. R. Hunter in his book
The Script of Harappa and Mohenjodaro and Its Connection with Other Scripts (1934) proposed a derivation of the Brahmi alphabets from the Indus script, the match being considerably higher than that of Aramaic in his estimation. British archaeologist
Raymond Allchin stated that there is a powerful argument against the idea that the Brahmi script has Semitic borrowing because the whole structure and conception is quite different. He at one time suggested that the origin may have been purely indigenous with the Indus script as its predecessor. However, Allchin and Erdosy later in 1995 expressed the opinion that there was as yet insufficient evidence to resolve the question. . Today the indigenous origin hypothesis is more commonly promoted by non-specialists, such as the computer scientist
Subhash Kak, the spiritual teachers
David Frawley and
Georg Feuerstein, and the social anthropologist
Jack Goody. Subhash Kak disagrees with the proposed Semitic origins of the script, instead stating that the interaction between the Indic and the Semitic worlds before the rise of the Semitic scripts might imply a reverse process. However, the chronology thus presented and the notion of an unbroken tradition of literacy is opposed by a majority of academics who support an indigenous origin. Evidence for a continuity between Indus and Brahmi has also been seen in graphic similarities between Brahmi and the late Indus script, where the ten most common ligatures correspond with the form of one of the ten most common glyphs in Brahmi. There is also corresponding evidence of continuity in the use of numerals. Further support for this continuity comes from statistical analysis of the relationship carried out by Das. Salomon considered simple graphic similarities between characters to be insufficient evidence for a connection without knowing the phonetic values of the Indus script, though he found apparent similarities in patterns of compounding and diacritical modification to be "intriguing". However, he felt that it was premature to explain and evaluate them due to the large chronological gap between the scripts and the thus far indecipherable nature of the Indus script. The main obstacle to this idea is the lack of evidence for writing during the millennium and a half between the collapse of the
Indus Valley civilisation around 1500 BCE and the first widely accepted appearance of Brahmi in the 3rd or 4th centuries BCE. Iravathan Mahadevan makes the point that even if one takes the latest dates of 1500 BCE for the Indus script and earliest claimed dates of Brahmi around 500 BCE, a thousand years still separates the two. Furthermore, there is no accepted decipherment of the Indus script, which makes theories based on claimed decipherments tenuous. A promising possible link between the Indus script and later writing traditions may be in the
megalithic graffiti symbols of the South Indian megalithic culture, which may have some overlap with the Indus symbol inventory and persisted in use up at least through the appearance of the Brahmi and scripts up into the third century CE. These graffiti usually appear singly, though on occasion may be found in groups of two or three, and are thought to have been family, clan, or religious symbols. In 1935, C. L. Fábri proposed that symbols found on Mauryan
punch-marked coins were remnants of the Indus script that had survived the collapse of the Indus civilization. Another form of the indigenous origin theory is that Brahmi was invented
ex nihilo, entirely independently from either Semitic models or the Indus script, though Salomon found these theories to be wholly speculative in nature.
Foreign origination '' () used by
Ashoka to describe his "
Edicts". Brahmi script (Li=La+i; pī=Pa+ii)
Pāṇini (6th to 4th century BCE) mentions
lipi, the Indian word for writing scripts in his definitive work on
Sanskrit grammar, the
Ashtadhyayi. According to Scharfe, the words
lipi and
libi are borrowed from the
Old Persian dipi, in turn derived from Sumerian
dup. To describe his own Edicts, Ashoka used the word
Lipī, now generally simply translated as "writing" or "inscription". It is thought the word "lipi", which is also spelled "dipi" in the two
Kharosthi-version of the rock edicts, comes from an
Old Persian prototype
dipî also meaning "inscription", which is used for example by
Darius I in his
Behistun inscription, suggesting borrowing and diffusion. Scharfe adds that the best evidence is that no script was used or even known in India, aside from the
Persian-dominated Northwest where
Aramaic was used, before around 300 BCE. This is consistent with the fact that Indian tradition "at every occasion stresses the orality of the cultural and literary heritage".
Megasthenes' observations Megasthenes, a Greek ambassador to the Mauryan court in Northeastern India only a quarter century before
Ashoka, noted "... and this among a people who have no written laws, who are ignorant even of writing, and regulate everything by memory." This has been variously and contentiously interpreted by many authors.
Ludo Rocher almost entirely dismisses Megasthenes as unreliable, questioning the wording used by Megasthenes' informant and Megasthenes' interpretation of them. Timmer considers it to reflect a misunderstanding that the Mauryans were illiterate "based upon the fact that Megasthenes rightly observed that the laws were unwritten and that oral tradition played such an important part in India." Some proponents of the indigenous origin theories question the reliability and interpretation of comments made by Megasthenes (as quoted by
Strabo in the
Geographica XV.i.53). For one, the observation may only apply in the context of the kingdom of "Sandrakottos" (Chandragupta). Elsewhere in Strabo (Strab. XV.i.39), Megasthenes is said to have noted that it was a regular custom in India for the "philosopher" caste (presumably Brahmins) to submit "anything useful which they have committed to writing" to kings, but this detail does not appear in parallel extracts of Megasthenes found in
Arrian and
Diodorus Siculus. The implication of writing per se is also not totally clear in the original Greek as the term "
συντάξῃ" (source of the English word "
syntax") can be read as a generic "composition" or "arrangement", rather than a written composition in particular.
Nearchus, a contemporary of
Megasthenes, noted, a few decades prior, the use of cotton fabric for writing in Northern India. Indologists have variously speculated that this might have been Kharoṣṭhī or the Aramaic alphabet. Salomon regards the evidence from Greek sources to be inconclusive. Strabo himself notes this inconsistency regarding reports on the use of writing in India (XV.i.67).
Debate on time depth Kenneth Norman (2005) suggests that Brahmi was devised over a longer period of time predating Ashoka's rule: However, these finds are controversial, see . He also notes that the variations seen in the
Asokan edicts would be unlikely to have emerged so quickly if Brahmi had a single origin in the chancelleries of the Mauryan Empire. He suggests a date of not later than the end of the 4th century for the development of Brahmi script in the form represented in the inscriptions, with earlier possible antecedents. Opinions on this point, the possibility that there may not have been any writing scripts including Brahmi during the Vedic age, given the quantity and quality of the Vedic literature, are divided. While Falk (1993) disagrees with Goody, while
Walter Ong and John Hartley (2012) concur, not so much based on the difficulty of orally preserving the Vedic hymns, but on the basis that it is highly unlikely that Panini's grammar was composed.
Johannes Bronkhorst (2002) takes the intermediate position that the oral transmission of the Vedic hymns may well have been achieved orally, but that the development of Panini's grammar presupposes writing (consistent with a development of Indian writing in c. the 4th century BCE).
Origin of the name "Child learning Brahmi", showing the first letters of the Brahmi alphabet, 2nd century BCE. Several divergent accounts of the origin of the name "Brahmi" appear in history. The term
Brahmi (written in modern
Devanagari) appears in Indian texts in different contexts. According to the rules of the
Sanskrit language, it is a feminine word meaning literally "of Brahma" or "the female energy of the
Brahman". In popular
Hindu texts such as the
Mahabharata, it appears in the sense of a goddess, particularly for
Saraswati as the goddess of speech and elsewhere as "personified
Shakti (energy) of
Brahma, the god of Hindu scriptures
Veda and creation". Later Chinese Buddhist account of the 6th century CE also supports its creation to the god
Brahma, though
Monier Monier-Williams,
Sylvain Lévi and others thought it was more likely to have been given the name because it was moulded by the
Brahmins. Alternatively, some
Buddhist sutras such as the
Lalitavistara Sūtra (possibly 4th century CE), list
Brāhmī and
Kharoṣṭī as some of the sixty-four scripts the Buddha knew as a child. Several sutras of
Jainism such as the
Vyakhya Pragyapti Sutra, the
Samvayanga Sutra and the
Pragyapna Sutra of the
Jain Agamas include a list of 18 writing scripts known to teachers before the
Mahavira was born, the first one being
Bāmbhī (बाम्भी) in the original
Prakrit, which has been interpreted as "Bramhi". There is no early epigraphic proof for the expression "Brahmi script".
Ashoka himself when he created the first known inscriptions in the new script in the 3rd century BCE, used the expression
dhaṃma lipi (
Prakrit in the Brahmi script:
𑀥𑀁𑀫𑀮𑀺𑀧𑀺, "Inscriptions of the
Dharma") but this is not to describe the script of his own
Edicts. ==History==