in
Bratislava is the seat of the
president of Slovakia. Some academic writers discuss
states and
governments in terms of "models". An independent
nation state normally has a head of state, and determines the extent of its head's executive powers of government or formal representational functions. In terms of
protocol: the head of a
sovereign, independent state is usually identified as the person who, according to that state's constitution, is the reigning
monarch, in the case of a
monarchy; or the president, in the case of a
republic. Among the state
constitutions (fundamental laws) that establish different political systems, four major types of heads of state can be distinguished: • The
parliamentary system, with two subset models; • The
standard model, in which the head of state, in theory, possesses key executive powers, but such power is exercised on the binding advice of a
head of government (e.g.
United Kingdom,
India,
Germany). • The
non-executive model, in which the head of state has either none or very limited executive powers, and mainly has a ceremonial and symbolic role (e.g.
Sweden,
Japan,
Israel). • The
semi-presidential system, in which the head of state shares key executive powers with a head of government or cabinet (e.g.
Russia,
France,
Sri Lanka); and • The
presidential system, in which the head of state is also the head of government and has all executive powers (e.g.
United States,
Indonesia,
South Korea). In a federal constituent or a dependent territory, the same role is typically fulfilled by the holder of an office corresponding to that of a head of state. For example, in each
Canadian province the role is fulfilled by the
lieutenant governor, whereas in most
British Overseas Territories the powers and duties are performed by the
governor. The same applies to
Australian states,
Indian states, etc.
Hong Kong's constitutional document, the
Basic Law, for example, specifies the
chief executive as the head of the special administrative region, in addition to their role as the head of government. These non-sovereign-state heads, nevertheless, have a restricted or negligible role in diplomatic affairs, depending on the status and the norms and practices of the territories concerned, while in other instances, like
Germany, the non-sovereign federal constituents lack a clearly defined post analogous to a head of state, with the
speakers of the
Landtags (state parliaments) fulfilling many of the same duties without an explicit constitutional basis for such a role.
Parliamentary system Standard model In
parliamentary systems the head of state may be merely the nominal
chief executive officer, heading the
executive branch of the state, and possessing limited executive power. In reality, however, following a process of constitutional evolution, powers are usually only exercised by direction of a
cabinet, presided over by a
head of government who is answerable to the legislature. This accountability and legitimacy requires that someone be chosen who has a majority support in the
legislature (or, at least, not a majority opposition – a subtle but important difference). It also gives the legislature the right to vote down the head of
government and their cabinet, forcing it either to resign or seek a parliamentary dissolution. The
executive branch is thus said to be responsible (or answerable) to the legislature, with the head of government and cabinet in turn accepting constitutional responsibility for offering constitutional
advice to the head of state. of
Norway In parliamentary
constitutional monarchies, the legitimacy of the unelected head of state typically derives from the tacit approval of the people via the elected representatives. Accordingly, at the time of the
Glorious Revolution, the
English parliament acted of its own authority to name a new king and queen (the joint monarchs
Mary II and
William III); likewise,
Edward VIII's abdication required the approval of each of the six independent realms of which he was monarch. In monarchies with a written constitution, the position of monarch is created under the constitution and could be abolished through a democratic procedure of constitutional amendment. In many cases there are significant procedural hurdles imposed on such a procedure (as in the
Constitution of Spain). In republics with a parliamentary system (such as India, Germany, Austria, Italy and Israel), the head of state is usually titled
president and the principal functions of such presidents are mainly ceremonial and symbolic, as opposed to the presidents in a presidential or semi-presidential system. In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a head of state within a parliamentary system. The older the constitution, the more constitutional leeway tends to exist for a head of state to exercise greater powers over government, as many older parliamentary system constitutions in fact give heads of state powers and functions akin to presidential or semi-presidential systems, in some cases without containing reference to modern democratic principles of accountability to parliament or even to modern governmental offices. Usually, the king had the power of declaring war without previous consent of the parliament. For example, under the 1848 constitution of the
Kingdom of Sardinia, and then the
Kingdom of Italy, the
Statuto Albertino—the parliamentary approval to the government appointed by the king—was customary, but not required by law. Examples of heads of state in parliamentary systems using greater powers than usual, either because of ambiguous constitutions or unprecedented national emergencies, include the decision by King
Leopold III of the Belgians to surrender on behalf of his state to the invading
German army in 1940, against the will of his government. Judging that his responsibility to the nation by virtue of his coronation oath required him to act, he believed that his government's decision to fight rather than surrender was mistaken and would damage Belgium. (Leopold's decision proved highly controversial. After
World War II, Belgium voted in a referendum to allow him to resume his monarchical powers and duties, but because of the ongoing controversy he ultimately abdicated.) The Belgian constitutional crisis in 1990, when the
head of state refused to sign into law a bill permitting abortion, was resolved by the cabinet assuming the power to promulgate the law while he was treated as "unable to reign" for twenty-four hours.
Non-executive model These officials are excluded completely from the executive: they do not possess even theoretical executive powers or any role, even formal, within the government. Hence their states' governments are not referred to by the traditional parliamentary model head of state
styles of ''His/Her Majesty's Government
or His/Her Excellency's Government''. Within this general category, variants in terms of powers and functions may exist. The was drawn up under the
Allied occupation that followed
World War II and was intended to replace the previous
militaristic and quasi-
absolute monarchy system with a form of liberal democracy
parliamentary system. The constitution explicitly vests all executive power in the
Cabinet, who is chaired by the
prime minister (articles 65 and 66) and responsible to the
Diet (articles 67 and 69). The
emperor is defined in the constitution as "the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people" (article 1), and is generally recognised throughout the world as the Japanese head of state. Although the emperor formally
appoints the prime minister to office, article 6 of the constitution requires him to appoint the candidate "as designated by the Diet", without any right to decline appointment. Perhaps the most explicit reference comes in article 7, which states the emperor "perform[s] only such acts in matters of state as are provided for in this constitution and shall have not have powers related to government". He is a ceremonial
figurehead with no independent discretionary powers related to the governance of Japan. Since the passage in
Sweden of the
1974 Instrument of Government, the
Swedish monarch no longer has many of the standard parliamentary system head of state functions that had previously belonged to him or her, as was the case in the preceding
1809 Instrument of Government. Today, the
speaker of the Riksdag appoints (following a vote in the
Riksdag) the
prime minister and terminates their commission following a
vote of no confidence or voluntary resignation. Cabinet members are appointed and dismissed at the sole discretion of the prime minister. Laws and ordinances are promulgated by two Cabinet members in unison signing "On Behalf of the Government" and the government—not the monarch—is the
high contracting party with respect to international treaties. The remaining official functions of the sovereign, by constitutional mandate or by unwritten convention, are to open the annual session of the Riksdag, receive foreign ambassadors and sign the
letters of credence for Swedish ambassadors, chair the foreign advisory committee, preside at the special Cabinet council when a new prime minister takes office, and to be kept informed by the prime minister on matters of state. In contrast, the only contact the
president of Ireland has with the Irish government is through a formal briefing session given by the
taoiseach (head of government) to the president. However, the president has no access to documentation and all access to ministers goes through the
Department of the Taoiseach. The president does, however, hold limited
reserve powers, such as referring a bill to the
Supreme Court to test its constitutionality, which are used under the president's discretion. The least ceremonial powers held by the president are to provide a mandate to attempt to form a government, to approve the dissolution of the
Knesset made by the prime minister, and to pardon criminals or to commute their sentence.
Executive model Some parliamentary republics (like
South Africa,
Botswana and
Kiribati) have fused the roles of the head of state with the head of government (like in a presidential system), while having the sole executive officer, often called a president, being dependent on the Parliament's confidence to rule (like in a parliamentary system). While also being the leading symbol of the nation, the president in this system acts mostly as a prime minister since the incumbent must be a member of the legislature at the time of the election, answer
question sessions in Parliament, avoid motions of no confidence, etc.
Semi-presidential systems , President and head of state of the
French Fifth Republic (1959–1969) Semi-presidential systems combine features of presidential and parliamentary systems, notably (in the president-parliamentary subtype) a requirement that the government be answerable to both the president and the legislature. The
constitution of the
Fifth French Republic provides for a
prime minister who is chosen by the president, but who nevertheless must be able to gain support in the
National Assembly. Should a president be of one side of the political spectrum and the opposition be in control of the legislature, the president is usually obliged to select someone from the opposition to become prime minister, a process known as
Cohabitation. President
François Mitterrand, a Socialist, for example, was forced to cohabit with the
neo-Gaullist (right wing)
Jacques Chirac, who became his prime minister from 1986 to 1988. In the French system, in the event of cohabitation, the president is often allowed to set the policy agenda in security and foreign affairs and the prime minister runs the domestic and economic agenda. Other countries evolve into something akin to a semi-presidential system or indeed a full presidential system. The
constitution of the
Weimar Republic, for example, provided for a popularly elected
president with theoretically dormant executive powers that were intended to be exercised only in emergencies, and a cabinet appointed by him from the
Reichstag, which was expected, in normal circumstances, to be answerable to the Reichstag. Initially, the president was merely a symbolic figure with the Reichstag dominant; however, persistent political instability, in which governments often lasted only a few months, led to a change in the power structure of the republic, with the president's emergency powers called increasingly into use to prop up governments challenged by critical or even hostile Reichstag votes. By 1932, power had shifted to such an extent that the German president,
Paul von Hindenburg, was able to dismiss a
chancellor and select his own person for the job, even though the outgoing chancellor possessed the confidence of the Reichstag while the new chancellor did not. Subsequently, President von Hindenburg used his power to appoint
Adolf Hitler as Chancellor without consulting the Reichstag, an event which led to the
establishment of a dictatorship.
Presidential system , the first
president of the United States, set the precedent for an executive head of state in republican systems of government.
Note: The head of state in a "presidential" system may not actually hold the title of "president" - the name of the system refers to any non-royal head of state who actually governs and is not directly dependent on the legislature to remain in office. Some constitutions or fundamental laws provide for a head of state who is not only in theory but in practice chief executive, operating separately from, and independent from, the legislature. This system is known as a "presidential system" and sometimes called the "imperial model", because the executive officials of the government are answerable solely and exclusively to a presiding, acting head of state, and is selected by and on occasion dismissed by the head of state without reference to the legislature. It is notable that some presidential systems, while not providing for
collective executive accountability to the legislature, may require legislative approval for individuals prior to their assumption of cabinet office and empower the legislature to remove a president from office (for example, in the
United States of America). In this case the debate centers on confirming them into office, not removing them from office, and does not involve the power to reject or approve proposed cabinet members
en bloc, so accountability does not operate in the same sense understood as a parliamentary system.
Presidential systems are a notable feature of constitutions in the
Americas, including those of
Argentina,
Brazil,
Colombia,
El Salvador,
Mexico and
Venezuela; this is generally attributed to the strong influence of the
United States in the region, and as the
United States Constitution served as an inspiration and model for the
Latin American wars of independence of the early 19th century. Most presidents in such countries are selected by democratic means (popular direct or indirect election); however, like all other systems, the presidential model also encompasses people who become head of state by other means, notably through military dictatorship or ''
coup d'état'', as often seen in
Latin American,
Middle Eastern and other presidential regimes. Some of the characteristics of a presidential system, such as a strong dominant political figure with an executive answerable to them, not the legislature can also be found among
absolute monarchies,
parliamentary monarchies and
single party (e.g.,
Communist) regimes, but in most cases of dictatorship, their stated constitutional models are applied in name only and not in political theory or practice.
Single-party states In certain states under
Marxist–Leninist constitutions of the
constitutionally socialist state type inspired by the former
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and its constitutive
Soviet republics, real political power belonged to the sole legal party. In these states, there was no formal office of head of state, but rather the leader of the legislative branch was considered to be the closest common equivalent of a head of state as a
natural person. In the Soviet Union this position carried such titles as
Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR;
Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet; and in the case of the
Soviet Russia Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets (pre-1922), and
Chairman of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian SFSR (1956–1966). This position may or may not have been held by the
de facto Soviet leader at the moment. For example,
Joseph Stalin and
Nikita Khrushchev never headed the Supreme Soviet but were
General Secretary (later First Secretary) of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (party leader) and
Chairman of the Council of Ministers (
head of government). This may even lead to an institutional variability, as in
North Korea, where, after the presidency of party leader
Kim Il Sung, the office was vacant for years. The late president was granted the posthumous title (akin to some ancient Far Eastern traditions to give posthumous names and titles to royalty) of
"Eternal President". All substantive power, as party leader, itself not formally created for four years, was inherited by his son
Kim Jong Il. The post of president was formally replaced on 5 September 1998, for ceremonial purposes, by the office of
President of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, while the party leader's post as
chairman of the National Defense Commission was simultaneously declared "the highest post of the state", not unlike
Deng Xiaoping's holding of
a similar post for over
a decade in the
People's Republic of China. In China, under the current
country's constitution, the
Chinese president is a largely
ceremonial office with limited power. However, since 1993, as a matter of convention, the presidency has been held simultaneously by the
general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, the
top leader in the
one party system. The presidency is officially regarded as
an institution of the state rather than an administrative post; theoretically, the president serves at the pleasure of the
National People's Congress, the legislature, and is not legally vested to take executive action on its own prerogative.
Mao Zedong, the
Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, rejected that the president of China functioned as China's head of state, arguing instead that the major differences between the
Soviet system and the Chinese was that the presidency acted as a representative of the state's
collective leadership. One-party states which do not use the Soviet-inspired constitutional system had a head of state matching one of the more "conventional" types. Typically, this was the presidential system, creating a
de jure power structure which matches the
de facto dynamics of a chief executive unaccountable to the legislature; however, some, such as Portugal under the
National Union (the
Estado Novo) and Singapore under the
People's Action Party opted instead to have presidents who were
de facto ceremonial figureheads, with the party leader serving as prime minister. An extreme example of this malleability in the
de facto government structure was the
Republic of China during martial law: following the death of president
Chiang Kai-shek in 1975, his successor as president,
Yen Chia-kan, did not enjoy the leadership of the ruling
Kuomintang and the de facto executive powers it carried, which instead where held by premier
Chiang Ching-kuo; the presidency only "returned" to being the chief executive post in 1978, when Chiang Ching-kuo succeeded Yen as president.
Complications with categorisation , Emperor of India, and Empress Mary at the
Delhi Durbar, 1911 While clear categories do exist, it is sometimes difficult to choose which category some individual heads of state belong to. In reality, the category to which each head of state belongs is assessed not by theory but by practice. In
Iran, the Constitution assigns the duty of signing treaties and of sending and receiving ambassadors to the
president, rather than the
supreme leader; this means that, according to international diplomatic custom, it is the president and not the supreme leader who is Iran's head of state. In practice, however, the supreme leader is head of both government and state. Constitutional change in
Liechtenstein in 2003 gave its head of state, the
Reigning Prince, constitutional powers that included a veto over legislation and power to dismiss the
head of government and cabinet. It could be argued that the strengthening of the Prince's powers, vis-a-vis the
Landtag (legislature), has moved Liechtenstein into the semi-presidential category. Similarly the original powers given to the
Greek President under the
1975 Hellenic Republic constitution moved
Greece closer to the French semi-presidential model. Another complication exists with
South Africa, in which the
president is in fact elected by the
National Assembly (
legislature) and is thus similar, in principle, to a
head of government in a
parliamentary system but is also, in addition, recognised as the head of state. The offices of
president of Nauru and
president of Botswana are similar in this respect to the South African presidency.
Panama, during the military dictatorships of
Omar Torrijos and
Manuel Noriega, was nominally a presidential republic. However, the
elected civilian presidents were effectively figureheads with real political power being exercised by the chief of the
Panamanian Defense Forces. Historically, at the time of the
League of Nations (1920–1946) and the founding of the
United Nations (1945),
India's head of state was the monarch of the United Kingdom, ruling directly or indirectly as
Emperor of India through the
Viceroy and Governor-General of India. ==Roles==