Since its establishment, the Kosovo Myth and its poetic, literary, religious, and philosophical exposition was intertwined with political and ideological agendas. It has had a large impact on Serbian society, and has served as the most powerful Serbian cultural myth. The Myth served as an important constitutive element of the
national identity of modern Serbia and its politics.
19th and early 20th century (
Kosovski božuri)'' (1913) by
Nadežda Petrović; the red color of flowers has become a symbol of "bloodshed in the Battle of Kosovo" The Kosovo Myth became a central myth of
Serbian nationalism used in the 19th century. Like other European nationalisms, the Serbian one searched for a "glorious past" and a "golden age". Writers on nationalism often conclude the golden age with a national catastrophe.
Karađorđe,
Grand Vožd of Serbia (1804–1813) and the leader of the First Serbian Uprising, declared himself the
godfather of every 9th child in the family, alluding to the nine Jugović brothers. Throughout most of the 19th century it didn't carry its later importance, as the
Principality of Serbia saw the region of Bosnia as its core, not Kosovo. The
Congress of Berlin (1878) was the event which caused the elevation of the Kosovo myth in its modern status. The region of Bosnia was effectively handed out to Austria-Hungary and Serbian expansion towards that area was blocked, which in turn left southwards expansion towards Kosovo as the only available geopolitical alternative for the Serbian state. He introduced the traditional
Montenegrin cap with the aim of strengthening the presence of the Kosovo Myth in everyday life and emphasizing the direct connection with
medieval Serbia.
Nicholas I of Montenegro (Prince 1860–1910 and King 1910–1918) successfully used the motives of the Kosovo Myth with the aim of strengthening Montenegrin patriotism, dreaming of restoring the Serbian Empire. The messages of the Kosovo Myth were used for the idea of
Yugoslav unity. The commemoration of the 500th anniversary was also held in Croatia despite restrictions imposed by the
Habsburg authorities. At the beginning of the 20th century, with the
Yugoslav idea spreading, the Kosovo Myth also became a trope in common culture of
Croats and
Slovenes.
World War I and Yugoslavia On Vidovdan in 1914,
Gavrilo Princip, the
Bosnian Serb member of
Young Bosnia,
assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria which initiated the
July Crisis and led to the outbreak of
World War I. Princip,
Nedeljko Čabrinović and other members of the Young Bosnia were inspired by the heroism of Miloš Obilić, reenacting the Kosovo Myth. Princip knew the entire
The Mountain Wreath of Njegoš. In 1916, the
Yugoslav Committee declared Vidovdan as a national holiday of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The Myth was used by main advocates of the
Yugoslav ideology as a pan-Yugoslav myth in the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1920, Vidovdan became one of the three public holidays called "St. Vitus' Day Heroes", aimg to the symbolic integration of the member of the 'nation with three names', while on 28 June 1921, the
Vidovdan Constitution was adopted. The Kosovo Myth was used by Serbian nationalists before WWI as an ideological tool in order to argue for a Serbian-led Yugoslavia instead of Yugoslavia as state of all
South Slavs equally. The government moved graves of the Balkan war dead to graveyards and monuments of national creation. This was to further establish the leaders' narrative of glory, sacrifice, and the hopeful unification of Southern Slavs (Kosovo). The graves were used to uphold the narrative that many Serbians believed to be true: that the land was destined to be theirs. The Kosovo Myth also played a role and ideologically shaped the
coup d'état (27 March 1941) provoked by the
Yugoslav accession to the Tripartite Pact. Serbian Patriarch
Gavrilo V who strongly opposed the signing, used the motives of the Kosovo Myth in his radio speech.
Milan Nedić and his
puppet government of the
German-occupied territory of Serbia also evoked the Myth, insisting that the Yugoslav
resistance movements were direct opponents of the values and legacy of Kosovo heroes. In the context of the Kosovo myth,
Greater Serbian propagandists have produced various slogans regarding Kosovo in contemporary Serbia. The myth was used by the Milošević government and Serbian Orthodox Church to create a narrative of superior Serbdom in conflict with barbarian forces, in order to justify violent actions that were being planned at the time. This way, the myth was utilized as an ideological instrument which fueled policies that led to the
Kosovo War along with other political decisions. However, the causes of the war were complex and could not be reduced to the existence of a national myth, but it was used to legitimize Milošević's reign. Leading up to the
Kosovo War, the contemporary
Kosovo Albanian political mythology clashed with the Kosovo Myth. During the Yugoslav wars, the Kosovo myth was prevalent, with new war commanders and politicians being compared to heroes from the battle of Kosovo, some of which were later suspected of war crimes. During the
Bosnian War and
Bosnian genocide,
Ratko Mladić, Commander of the
Army of Republika Srpska, often called
Bosniaks "Turks", calling on his troops for revenge and "
the Revolt against the Dahijas". The important role of the Kosovo myth in Republika Srpska is most clearly manifested in the fact that
Vidovdan was declared in 1992 as an official
slava (feast day) of the Bosnian Serb army, while for most of Bosnian Serbs, Ratko Mladić was considered the
Lazar of modern times who with his soldiers fought the Turks. Vidovdan was also a date that symbolized the rise and fall of Milošević, as he
gave a speech in the presence of about а million people in 1989 to mark the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, and later was arrested and extradited to the
ICTY on 28 June 2001 to stand
trial for charges of war crimes. Kosovo remained high on the agenda of
Vojislav Koštunica, who served as the
President of FR Yugoslavia (2000–2003) and
Prime Minister of Serbia (2004–2008). He commented, among other things, that a new fight is being waged for control of Kosovo, this time with the
United States, and that "the key question is whether force will prevail over justice in the new Battle of Kosovo". After the election victory of the
For a European Serbia coalition in 2008, they announced that they would not give up their "Kosovo orientation". Оn the anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo in 2009,
Boris Tadić,
President of Serbia (2004–2012), said :"Nobody can take Vidovdan from Serbia and from Serbs", but that it should not be celebrated as in 1989, which led to wars and sanctions, while
Vuk Jeremić, the new
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, characterized Vidovdan as a "symbol of defence of Serbian national identity".
Usage of the myth abroad Upon
Britain's entry into the
First World War on 4 August 1914, the British aimed to show solidarity with their new allies,
Serbia included. On 28 June, "Kossovo Day" was proclaimed in Britain, with celebrations held across the country, with "Kossovo" being an intentional reference to the famous myth. In
France, folk poems concerning the Kosovo epic were published during the war while some French authors emphasized the importance of the Kosovo Myth in strengthening the "energy for revenge". In 1915, the
French government ordered schools to modify their curricula to include lessons on Serbia and Serbian history, while posters in support of Serbia were pasted in
Paris and
London, including calls for prayer during Kossovo Day. The pro-Serbian Kosovo Committee was established in London in 1916, headed by
Elsie Inglis, and its members included
Robert Seton-Watson,
Arthur Evans and
Charles Oman. They organized a gathering in support of Serbia in
St Paul's Cathedral. Serbian historian and
University of Belgrade professor
Pavle Popović gave a speech at the celebration of the day in
Cambridge. Seton-Watson wrote an essay about Serbia and its history, which was read in schools across Britain. Several eminent historians soon began contributing to the pro-Serbian feeling in Britain, often recalling the Kosovo Myth while doing so. Pro-Serbian events along with Kossovo Day were also held in the
United States, and in a speech given by American lawyer
James M. Beck, references were made to Lazar and the Battle of Kosovo. == Notes ==