Domesticated, semi-domesticated, and commensal plants carried by Austronesian voyagers include the following:
Aleurites moluccanus (candlenut) '') leaves, flowers, and fruit from
Maui The candlenut (
Aleurites moluccanus) was first domesticated in Maritime Southeast Asia. Remains of harvested candlenuts have been recovered from archaeological sites in
Timor and
Morotai in eastern
Indonesia, dated to around 13,000
BP and 11,000
BP respectively. Archaeological evidence of candlenut cultivation is also found in
Neolithic sites of the
Toalean culture in southern
Sulawesi dated to around 3,700 to 2,300
BP. Candlenut were widely introduced into the Pacific Islands by early Austronesian voyagers and became naturalized to high volcanic islands. ,
Timor-Leste Candlenut has a very wide range of uses, and every part of the tree can be harvested. They were primarily cultivated for the high oil content in their
nut kernels. They were widely used for illumination before the introduction of other light sources, hence the name "candlenut". The kernels were skewered onto coconut midribs that were then set alight. Each kernel takes about 3 minutes to burn, so the series could act as a torch. This tradition of making candlenut torches exists in both Southeast Asia and Oceania.
Candlenut oil extracted from the nuts can also be used directly in lamps. They can also be used in the production of soaps and ointments, and as preservatives for fishing gear. Other traditional uses include using the timber for making small canoes and carvings; the sap for varnish and resins; the nut shells for ornamentation (most notably as
leis), fish-hooks, toys, and the production of black dyes; the bark for medicine and fiber; and so on. Some non-toxic varieties are also used as condiments or ingredients in the cuisines of Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian ("PMP") word for candlenut is reconstructed as
*kamiri, with modern
cognates including
Hanunó'o,
Iban, and
Sundanese kamiri;
Javanese and
Malay kemiri; and
Tetun kamii. However,
Oceanic words for candlenut are derived instead from
Proto-Austronesian *CuSuR, which became PMP
*tuhuR, originally meaning "string together, as beads", referring to the construction of the candlenut torches. It became
Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian and
Proto-Oceanic *tuRi which is then
reduplicated. Modern cognates including
Fijian,
Tongan,
Cook Islands Māori, and
Niue tui-tui; and
Hawaiian kui-kui or
kukui. Giant taro is one of the four main species of aroids (
Araceae, taros) cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source of
starch, the others being the 'elephant foot yam'
Amorphophallus paeoniifolius, the common 'taro'
Colocasia esculenta, and the 'giant swamp taro'
Cyrtosperma merkusii, each with multiple cultivated varieties. Their leaves and stems are also edible if cooked thoroughly, though this is rarely done with giant taro, as it contains higher levels of
raphides, which can cause itching. The reconstructed word for giant taro in Proto-Austronesian is
*biRaq, which became Proto-Oceanic
*piRaq. Modern
cognates for it in languages of Maritime Southeast Asia and
Micronesia include the first-order language
Rukai ''vi'a
or bi'a
in Taiwan; the Philippine forms Ifugao bila
; Ilocano, Cebuano, Bikol, and Mongondow biga
; Teduray bira
; the Greater Barito forms Ngaju biha
and Malagasy via
; Malayic Malay and Chamic Acehnese birah
; Palauan bísə
; Chamorro piga
; Bima wia
; Timoric Rote–Meto and Tetun fia
; and the CEMP Central Maluku languages Asilulu hila
and Kowiai fira
. In Oceania, cognates for it include Malayo-Polynesian Wuvulu-Aua pia
; Oceanic Southeast Solomonic ꞋAreꞌare and Western Oceanic Papuan Tip Motu hira
; Papuan Tip Kilivila and Central Oceanic Fijian via
; and Eastern Malayo-Polynesian Hawaiian pia''. Note that in some cases, cognates have shifted to refer to other types of taro.
Amorphophallus paeoniifolius (elephant foot yam) in
Taman Negara,
Malaysia The elephant foot yam
Amorphophallus paeoniifolius is used as food in Maritime Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, and South Asia. Its origin and center of domestication were formerly considered to be
India, where it is most widely utilized as a food resource in recent times. A genetic study in 2017 demonstrated that Indian populations of elephant foot yams have lower genetic diversity than those in Maritime Southeast Asia and elephant foot yams originated from Maritime Southeast Asia and spread westwards into Thailand and India, resulting in three independent domestication events. From Maritime Southeast Asia, Austronesians also spread even further west into
Madagascar and eastwards to coastal
New Guinea and
Oceania, although they may have spread south into
Australia without human intervention. The elephant foot yam is one of the four main species of
Arecae cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source of
starch, the others being
Alocasia macrorrhizos, common taro, and
Cyrtosperma merkusii, each with multiple cultivated varieties. Elephant foot yam, however, is the least important among the four and was likely only eaten as a
famine food, since it contains more raphides, which cause irritation if not cooked thoroughly.
Artocarpus heterophyllus (jackfruit or nangka),
Artocarpus integer (cempedak),
Artocarpus lacucha (lakuch),
Artocarpus mariannensis (Marianas breadfruit),
Artocarpus odoratissimus (tarap or marang), and
Artocarpus treculianus (tipuho), among many others. The most important species pertaining to the Austronesian expansion however, are
Artocarpus camansi (breadnut or seeded breadfruit) and
Artocarpus altilis (breadfruit). '') in
Malaysia Artocarpus altilis (breadfruit) ,
Marquesas Islands According to
DNA fingerprinting studies, the wild seeded ancestor of
Artocarpus altilis is the
Artocarpus camansi, which is native to
New Guinea, the
Maluku Islands, and the
Philippines.
A. camansi was domesticated and
selectively bred in Polynesia, giving rise to the mostly seedless
Artocarpus altilis. Micronesian breadfruit also show evidence of
hybridization with the native
Artocarpus mariannensis, while most Polynesian and Melanesian cultivars do not. This indicates that Micronesia was initially colonized separately from Polynesia and Melanesia through two different migration events which later came into contact with each other in eastern Micronesia. '') in
Hawaii The reconstructed
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian word for breadfruit is
*kuluʀ, which became
Proto-Oceanic *kulur and
Proto-Polynesian *kulu. Modern cognates include
Sundanese and
Malay kulur or
kelur;
Acehnese kulu;
Iban kurur;
Cebuano kulo or
kolo;
Muna kula;
Mussau ulu;
Kapingamarangi gulu;
Wayan Fijian kulu;
Emae kuro;
Tuamotuan,
Takuu, and
Rarotongan kuru;
Tahitian uru;
Samoan and
Hawaiian ulu; and
Māori kuru. Note that in Māori,
kuru is only mentioned in tradition, but does not refer to the plant because breadfruit did not survive into
New Zealand. Also note that it is believed that breadfruit only reached western Maritime Southeast Asia (Java, Sumatra, Malay Peninsula) during the recent centuries, as a result of trade with the
Maluku Islands.
Bambusoideae (bamboos) forest in
Taiwan Various species of
bamboo (
subfamily Bambusoideae) are found throughout Maritime Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, East Asia, and South Asia. In Austronesian regions, different types of bamboos have different names, as well as the products made from them. They are used variously as building materials, fishing gear, musical instruments, knives, water and food vessels, and so on.
Bamboo shoots are also a food source in Southeast Asia. A few species of bamboo were carried by Austronesian settlers as they colonized the Pacific islands. They include the ohe (
Schizostachyum glaucifolium), the common bamboo (
Bambusa vulgaris), and the thorny bamboo (
Bambusa bambos). Reconstructed Proto-Austronesian words that referred to bamboo include
*qauR,
*kawayan,
*buluq, and
*betung. The latter entered
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian and
Proto-Oceanic as
*bitung, with cognates including
Sundanese awi bitung;
Fijian bitu; and
Tongan pitu. Most terms for bamboo in Polynesia, however, originated from Proto-South-Central-Pacific
*kofe (originally from
Proto-Polynesian *kofe, "root"). Modern cognates include
Tongan and
Niue kofe;
Tokelau,
Marquesan,
Tuamotuan, and
Māori kohe;
Rarotongan koe;
Samoan and
Tahitian ofe; and
Hawaiian ohe. Some names have also shifted to refer to bamboo-like plants; especially in islands where they were not introduced into or did not survive, like in
New Zealand. ===
Benincasa hispida (
wax gourd)===
Broussonetia papyrifera (paper mulberry) being pounded in
Maui,
Hawaii Paper mulberry (
Broussonetia papyrifera), better known as "
tapa cloth tree" in the Pacific, originates from
subtropical regions in mainland Asia and is one of the best evidence for the mainstream
"Out of Taiwan" hypothesis of the
Austronesian expansion. Various genetic studies have traced the origins of paper mulberry populations in the
Remote Pacific all the way to
Taiwan via
New Guinea and
Sulawesi. In the
Philippines, which was along the expansion path, paper mulberry are mostly descendants of modern introductions in 1935. It is presumed that ancient introductions of paper mulberry went extinct in prehistory due to its replacement with hand-woven fabrics, given that paper mulberry generally only survives under human cultivation. However, its absence in the Philippines further underlines its origins in Taiwan, and not within Maritime Southeast Asia. Additionally paper mulberry populations in New Guinea also show genetic inflow from another expansion out of
Indochina and
South China. fruits It is believed to be the most widely transported fiber crop in prehistory, having been transported along with the full range of the Austronesian expansion, as opposed to most of the other commensal crops in Oceania. Paper mullbery is present in almost every island or island group in Polynesia, including
Easter Island and
New Zealand. Some populations have gone recently extinct after they stopped being cultivated, like in the
Cook Islands and
Mangareva, although accounts and prepared barkcloth and
herbarium specimens of them exist in museum collections gathered by Europeans during the Colonial Period. They were spread by Polynesians primarily through
vegetative propagation with cuttings and root shoots. They were rarely cultivated from seeds as most plants were harvested prior to flowering, when the stems reach around in diameter, as described by 18th century European accounts. It is also unknown if the
feral plants reproduced sexually as the plants are
dioecious and require both male and female specimens to be present in one island. Barkcloth remained an important source of clothing fabrics in pre-colonial Melanesia, Polynesia, and parts of Indonesia. However, it has been mostly replaced by woven fiber clothing in most of Maritime Southeast Asia and Micronesia. In most of Polynesia, the term for barkcloth can also be reconstructed from
Proto-Nuclear-Polynesian *taba, meaning "bark", with cognates including
Wayan taba;
Tongan,
Samoan,
Mangareva, and
Rarotongan tapa; and
Hawaiian kapa. Other terms widely used for barkcloth and paper mulberry are derived from the
Proto-Polynesian reconstructed word
*siapo, with cognates including
Niue,
Tongan, and
Marquesan hiapo; and
Samoan and
East Futunan siapo. Due to these characters, mastwood are of particular importance to traditional
shipbuilding of the larger Austronesian
outrigger ships and were carried with them as they migrated to Oceania and Madagascar. They are also commonly mentioned in the chants and
folklore of Polynesia. in
Beqa,
Fiji Various parts of the mastwood were integral to the manufacture of outrigger canoes. The large curving limbs were commonly carved into the
dugout canoes that formed the
keel of the Austronesian outriggers ships. The
strakes, which are attached to the keel by the uniquely Austronesian technique of "sewing" them with a combination of
dowels and lashed lugs instead of nails, can also be made from mastwood, but it is more commonly made from other "softer" timber species like
Artocarpus. Other pieces became
masts,
outrigger floats, and outrigger spars. Smaller curving limbs can also be carved into the ribs of the boat. Another set of cognates for
C. inophyllum in Proto-Oceanic can be reconstructed as
*tamanu. Its difference from
*pitaquR is unclear, but given the distinction between the terms in the
Mussau reflex,
*tamanu probably originally referred to specimens of the tree that grow in island interiors and not on the coastlines. Modern cognates include
Mussau,
Tongan,
Niue,
Samoan, and
Rarotongan tamanu;
Fijian damanu; and
Hawaiian kamani. It is not known whether it is native to Polynesia and Melanesia or introduced.
Citrus Numerous species of Citrus are native to Maritime Southeast Asia, Mainland Southeast Asia, East Asia, South Asia and Near Oceania. The Austronesians cultivated and gathered a variety of citrus for food, medicine and washing with the thorns being used as piercing implements for
tattooing.
Citrus hystrix,
Citrus macroptera, and
Citrus maxima were also among the canoe plants carried by
Austronesian voyagers eastwards into
Micronesia and
Polynesia. Most
Polynesian names describing citruses are named
moli ultimately from
Proto-Oceanic *
molis; whether a link to
PMP *
limaw is present (albeit indirect) or otherwise is uncertain.
Cocos nucifera (coconut) and Maritime Southeast Asia The region between
Southwest Asia and
Melanesia is the center of origin for coconuts (
Cocos nucifera), where it shows greatest genetic diversity. A study in 2011 identified two highly genetically differentiated subpopulations of coconuts, one originating from Maritime Southeast Asia (the Pacific group) and the other from the southern margins of the
Indian subcontinent (the Indo-Atlantic group). The Pacific group is the only one to display clear genetic and phenotypic indications that they were domesticated; including dwarf habit, self-pollination, and the round "
niu vai" fruit morphology with larger endosperm-to-husk ratios. The distribution of the Pacific coconuts correspond to the regions settled by Austronesian voyagers indicating that its spread was largely the result of human introductions. Most words for "coconut" in
Austronesian languages are derived from
proto-Malayo-Polynesian *niuʀ. Modern
cognates include
Tagalog niyog;
Chamorro niyok;
Malay nyiur or
nyior;
Tetum nuu;
Drehu nu;
Gilbertese nii;
Hawaiian,
Samoan,
Tongan,
Fijian, and
Rapa Nui niu; and
Malagasy nio. in
Luzon, showing the typical rounder
niu vai fruit morphology of Pacific coconuts Genetic studies of coconuts have also confirmed pre-Columbian populations of coconuts in
Panama in South America. However, it is not native and display a genetic bottleneck resulting from a
founder effect. A study in 2008 showed that the coconuts in the Americas are genetically closest related to coconuts in the
Philippines, and not to any other nearby coconut populations (including
Polynesia). Such an origin indicates that the coconuts were not introduced naturally, such as by sea currents. The researchers concluded that it was brought by early Austronesian sailors to the Americas from at least 2,250 BP, and may be proof of pre-Columbian contact between Austronesian cultures and South American cultures, albeit in the opposite direction than what early hypotheses like Heyerdahl's had proposed. It is further strengthened by other similar botanical evidence of contact, like the pre-colonial presence of
sweet potato in Oceanian cultures. During the
colonial era, Pacific coconuts were further introduced to
Mexico from the
Spanish East Indies via the
Manila galleons. Archaeologists have found evidence supporting Job's tears as among the earliest domesticates in Asia, accompanied by millet.
Colocasia esculenta (taro) ,
Kauai The taro (
Colocasia esculenta), sometimes referred to as the "true taro", is one of the most ancient cultivated crops and pre-dated the Austronesian expansion. Taro is found widely in tropical and subtropical regions of South Asia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, Papua New Guinea, and northern Australia and is highly
polymorphic, making taxonomy and distinction between wild and cultivated types difficult. It is believed that they were domesticated independently multiple times, with authors giving possible locations as
New Guinea,
Mainland Southeast Asia, and northeastern
India, based largely on the assumed native range of the wild plants. However, more recent studies have pointed out that wild taro may have a much larger native distribution than previously believed, and wild breeding types may also likely be indigenous to other parts of Maritime Southeast Asia. being sold in the
Philippines Archaeological traces of taro exploitation have been recovered from numerous sites pre-dating the Austronesian expansion, though whether these were cultivated or wild types can not be ascertained. They include the
Niah Caves of
Borneo, dating to <40,000
BP;
Kuk Swamp of
New Guinea, dated to 10,200 to 9,910
cal BP; and
Kilu Cave in the
Solomon Islands dated to around c. 28,000 to 20,000
BP. In the case of Kuk Swamp, there is evidence of formalized agriculture emerging by about c. 10,000
BP, with evidence of cultivated plots, though which plant was cultivated remains unknown. using dug pits and compost to create richer soil Regardless, taro were definitely among the cultivated plants of Austronesians as well as preceding populations in Maritime Southeast Asia. However, their importance in Maritime Southeast Asia had largely been replaced by rice, although they are still planted at the margins of
rice paddies in some communities. They remained a staple in the islands of
Melanesia and
Polynesia where rice wasn't introduced. They are one of the four species of aroids (taros) cultivated by Austronesians primarily as a source of starchy
corms, the others being
Alocasia macrorrhizos,
Amorphophallus paeoniifolius, and
Cyrtosperma merkusii. They are the most important and the most preferred among the four, because they were less likely to contain the irritating
raphides present in the other plants. Taro is also identified as one of the staples of
Micronesia, from archaeological evidence dating back to the pre-colonial
Latte Period (c. 900 – 1521 AD), indicating that it was also carried by
Micronesians when they colonized the islands. Due to the unsuitability of the low-lying
atoll islands of most of Micronesia, Micronesians innovated by digging pits that could then be filled up with compost suitable for taro cultivation. In Polynesian languages, the cognates include
Motu,
Marovo,
Tongan,
Samoan,
Niue,
Futunan,
Tuvaluan talo;
Kwaio,
Lau (Malaita), and
Toqabaqita alo;
'Āre'āre,
Arosi, and
Bauro aro;
Nakanamanga na-tale;
Sye tal or
nal;
Fijian and
Nukuoro dalo;
Rennellese tago;
Anuta,
Rarotongan, and
Māori taro; and
Hawaiian kalo. The English name for the plant is itself derived from the Polynesian names. In
Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian, another reconstructed term is
*kaladi, with cognates including
Agutaynen,
Sabah Bisaya,
Iban,
Tae', and
Wolio kaladi;
Balinese and
Malay keladi; and
Mongondow koladi. The seeds can also be eaten, though only as
famine food. Other parts can also be used for traditional medicine and for the extraction of dyes. Like
Calophyllum inophyllum, beach cordia were commonly planted in
marae. They have cultural and religious significance in some cultures like in
Kiribati and the
Karimunjawa Islands of
Indonesia. In Hawaii, it was traditional to plant beach cordia around houses and use their bright orange flowers as
leis. Beach cordia, like most trees favored by Austronesians, grow well in sandy, clay, and rocky soil and are a common component in coastal forests and mangrove forests. Beach cordia was once thought to be an introduced species, but it is now known to be indigenous to most of the islands and coastlines of the Indo-Pacific, propagated naturally by their buoyant seeds. Nevertheless, they were still deliberately introduced in some islands, with artificial introductions usually found growing with other common trees cultivated by Austronesians. Especially in the atolls of Micronesia. Terms for beach cordia is reconstructed to
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *kanawa, with
cognates including
Iban kenawa;
Makasarese kanawa;
Palauan kəláu;
Gilbertese kanawa;
Tokelau kanava; and
Nukuoro ganava. Another set of cognates can be reconstructed to
Proto-Oceanic *toRu, with cognates including
Nehan to-tor;
Petats to-tol;
Fijian,
Tongan, and
Rarotongan tou; and
Hawaiian kou. An older reconstructed term is
Proto-Austronesian *qaNuNaŋ, however it is not specific to beach cordia and can refer to other members of the genus with sticky fruits, especially the glue berry (
Cordia dichotoma) and the lasura (
Cordia myxa). It also did not reach the
Oceanic languages. Cognates include
Tsou həhngə;
Isneg anúnang;
Hanunó'o and
Cebuano anúnang;
Maranao nonang;
Manobo enunang;
Mansaka anonang;
Malay,
Minangkabau,
Sasak,
Manggarai, and
Rembong nunang; and
Mongondow onunang. in
Singapore It was carried throughout Oceania by Austronesians, reaching as far as
Hawaii,
New Zealand, and
Easter Island at their furthest extent. A particularly important type of ti in Polynesia is a large green-leafed cultivar grown for their enlarged edible rhizomes. Unlike the ti populations in Southeast Asia and
Near Oceania, this cultivar is almost entirely sterile in the further islands of eastern Polynesia. It can only be propagated by cuttings from the stalks or the
rhizomes. It is speculated that this was the result of deliberate
artificial selection, probably because they produce larger and less fibrous rhizomes more suitable for use as food. Ti has many uses but it is most notable as one of the most important plants related to the indigenous
animist religions of Austronesians, along with fig trees (
Ficus spp.). It is very widely regarded as having mystical or spiritual powers in various Austronesian (as well as
Papuan) cultures. Among a lot of ethnic groups in Austronesia it is regarded as sacred. Common features include the belief that they can hold souls and thus are useful in healing "
soul loss" illnesses and in exorcising against malevolent spirits, their use in ritual attire and ornamentation, and their use as boundary markers. Red and green cultivars also commonly represented dualistic aspects of culture and religion and are used differently in rituals. Red ti plants commonly symbolize blood, war, and the ties between the living and the dead; while green ti plants commonly symbolize peace and healing. Their ritual uses in Maritime Southeast Asia have largely been obscured by the introduction of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islamic, and Christian religions, but they still persist in certain areas or are coopted for the rituals of the new religions. Fibers extracted from leaves are also used in cordage and in making bird traps. The consumption of ti as food, regarded as a sacred plant and thus was originally
taboo, is believed to have been a daring innovation of Polynesian cultures as a response to famine conditions. The lifting of the taboo is believed to be tied to the development of the
firewalking ritual. Among the
Palaw'an people, it is planted in burial grounds to prevent the dead from becoming malevolent spirits. houses in
Tana Toraja,
Sulawesi green ti plants in Makawao Forest,
Maui In
Indonesia, red ti are used similarly as in the Philippines. Among the
Dayak,
Sundanese,
Kayan,
Kenyah,
Berawan,
Iban and
Mongondow people, red ti are used as wards against evil spirits and as boundary markers. They are also used in rituals like in healing and funerals and are very commonly planted in sacred groves and around shrines. The Dayak also extract a natural green dye from ti. During healing rituals of the
Mentawai people, the
life-giving spirit are enticed with songs and offerings to enter ti stems which are then reconciled with the sick person. Among the
Sasak people, green ti leaves are used as part of the offerings to spirits by the
belian shamans. Among the
Balinese and
Karo people, ti plants are planted near village or family shrines in a
sacred grove. Among the
Toraja people, red ti plants are used in rituals and as decorations of ritual objects. They are believed to occur in both the material and the spirit worlds (a common belief in Austronesian animism). In the spirit world, they exist as fins and tails of spirits. In the material world, they are most useful as guides used to attract the attentions of spirits. The red leaves are also symbolic of blood and thus of life and vitality. Among the
Ngaju people, ti plants were symbolic of the
sacred groves of ancestors. They were also important in ritual promises dedicated to high gods. They were regarded as symbolic of the masculine "Tree of Life", in a dichotomy against
Ficus species which symbolize the feminine "Tree of the Dead". Among the
Tsembaga Maring people, they are believed to house "red spirits" (spirits of men who died in battle). Prior to a highly ritualized (but lethal) warfare over land ownership, they are uprooted and pigs are sacrificed to the spirits. After the hostilities, they are re-planted in the new land boundaries depending on the outcome of the fight. The men involved ritually place their souls into the plants. The ritual warfare have been suppressed by the
Papua New Guinea government, but parts of the rituals still survive. Among the
Ankave people, red ti is part of their
creation myth, believed as having arisen from the site of the first murder. Among the Mendi and Sulka people they are made into dyes used as body paint, and their leaves are used for body adornments and purification rituals. Among the Nikgini people, the leaves have magical abilities to bring good luck and are used in
divination and in decorating ritual objects. Among the
Kapauku people, ti plants are regarded as magical plants and are believed to be spiritual beings themselves. Unlike other magical plants which are controlled by other spirits, ti plants had their own spirits and are powerful enough to command other spiritual beings. Red plants are used in
white magic rituals, while green plants are used in
black magic rituals. They are also commonly used in protection and warding rituals. Among the
Baktaman people, red plants are used for initiation rites, while green plants are used for healing. The
Ok-speaking peoples also regard ti plants as their collective
totem. Among the Maenge people of
New Britain, ti leaves are worn as everyday skirts by women. The color and size of leaves can vary by personal preference and fashion. New cultivars with different colors are traded regularly and strands of ti are grown near the village. Red leaves can only be worn by women past puberty. Ti is also the most important plant in magic and healing rituals of the Maenge. Some ti cultivars are associated with supernatural spirits and have names and folklore around them. In
Vanuatu,
Cordyline leaves, known locally by the
Bislama name
nanggaria, are worn tucked into a belt in traditional dances like
Māuluulu, with different varieties having particular symbolic meanings. Cordylines are often planted outside
nakamal buildings. In
Fiji, red ti leaves are used as skirts for dancers and are used in rituals dedicated to the spirits of the dead. They are also planted around ceremonial buildings used for initiation rituals.
heiau (temple) in the summit of
Kahoolawe,
Hawaii In
Polynesia, green ti were cultivated widely for food and religious purposes. They are commonly planted around homes, in sacred places (including
marae and
heiau), and in grave sites. The leaves are also carried as a charm when traveling and the leaves are used in rituals that communicate with the species. Like in Southeast Asia, they are widely believed to protect against evil spirits and bad luck; as well as having the ability to host spirits of dead people, as well as nature spirits. In
New Zealand, certain place names are derived from the use and folklore of ti, like Puketi Forest and
Temuka. The ti plants in
Kaingaroa are known as
nga tī whakāwe o Kaingaroa ("the phantom trees of Kaingaroa"), based on the legend of two women who were turned into ti plants and seemingly follow people traveling through the area. In the
Philippines, they are also known by names derived from the Proto-Austronesian
*kilala, "to know", due to its use in
divination rituals. Cognates derived from that usage include
Tagalog sagilala; and
Visayan and
Bikol kilála or
kilaa. In New Zealand, the terms for ti were also transferred to the native and closely related cabbage tree (
Cordyline australis), as
tī kōuka. Among these,
D. alata and
D. esculenta were the only ones regularly cultivated and eaten, while the rest were usually considered as
famine food due to their higher levels of the toxin
dioscorine which requires that they be prepared correctly before consumption.
D. alata and
D. esculenta were the most suitable for long transport in Austronesian ships and were carried through all or most of the range of the Austronesian expansion.
D. alata in particular, were introduced into the Pacific Islands and New Zealand. They were also carried by Austronesian voyagers into
Madagascar and the
Comoros.
Dioscorea alata (ube) '') from the
Philippines where the dominant cultivated variety is vividly purple The ube (
Dioscorea alata), also known as the greater yam or water yam, is one of the most important staple crops in Austronesian cultures. It is the main species cultivated among
Dioscorea, largely because of its much larger tubers and its ease of processing. Its center of origin is unknown, but archaeological evidence suggests that it was exploited in Maritime Southeast Asia and New Guinea before the Austronesian expansion. Ube is believed to be a true
cultigen, only known from its cultivated forms. It is a
polyploid and is sterile, and thus can not cross bodies of water. This restricts its introduction into islands purely by human agency, making them a good indicator of human movement. Some authors have proposed an origin in
Mainland Southeast Asia without evidence, but it shows the greatest phenotypic variability in the
Philippines and
New Guinea. '') vine in
Vavau,
Tonga Based on archaeological evidence of early farming plots and plant remains in the
Kuk Swamp site, authors have suggested that it was first domesticated in the highlands of New Guinea from around 10,000
BP and spread into Maritime Southeast Asia via the
Lapita culture at around c. 4,000
BP, along with
D. nummularia and
D. bulbifera. In turn,
D. esculenta is believed to have been introduced by the Lapita culture into New Guinea. There is also evidence of an agricultural revolution during this period brought by innovations from contact with Austronesians, including the development of
wet cultivation. '') in
Maui However, much older remains identified as being probably
D. alata have also been recovered from the
Niah Caves of
Borneo (
Late Pleistocene, <40,000
BP) and the
Ille Cave of
Palawan (c. 11,000
BP), along with remains of the toxic ubi gadong (
D. hispida) which requires processing before it can be edible. Although it doesn't prove cultivation, it does show that humans already had the knowledge to exploit starchy plants and that
D. alata were native to Maritime Southeast Asia. Furthermore, it opens the question on whether
D. alata is a true species or cultivated much older than believed. Ube remains an important crop in Southeast Asia. Particularly in the Philippines where the vividly purple variety is widely used in various traditional and modern desserts. It also remains important in
Melanesia, where it is also grown for ceremonial purposes tied to the size of the tubers at harvest time. Its importance in eastern Polynesia and
New Zealand, however, has waned after the introduction of other crops, most notably the
sweet potato. It can be reconstructed to
Proto-Oceanic as
*pwatika or
*pʷatik, with cognates including
Lou puet;
Lamusong patik;
Boanaki posika; and
Kwara'ae fasia. However, in Lamusong its meaning has shifted to the lesser yam, while in Boanaki, the meaning has shifted to a more generalized term for yams. It can also be reconstructed to the more generalized Proto-Oceanic
*balai, meaning "wild yam", which became
Proto-Micronesian *palai, with cognates including
Rotuman parai;
Tongan,
Niue, and
Samoan palai; and
Rennellese pagai. Like
D. alata it was introduced to
Madagascar and the
Comoros by Austronesians, where it spread to the
East African coast. They are also a dominant crop in
Near Oceania, However, it did not reach to the furthest islands in Polynesia, being absent in
Hawaii and
New Zealand. Starch grains identified to be from the lesser yam have been recovered from archaeological sites of the
Lapita culture in
Viti Levu,
Fiji, dated to around 3,050 to 2,500
cal BP. Traces of
D. esculenta (along with
D. alata,
D. bulbifera,
D. nummularia and
D. pentaphylla) yams have also been identified from the Mé Auré Cave site in
Moindou,
New Caledonia, dated to around 2,700 to 1,800
BP. Remains of
D. esculenta have also been recovered from archaeological sites in
Guam, dated to around 1031
CE. Terms for lesser yam in Austronesian languages are mostly affixed or two-word forms derived from the
*qubi root for
D. alata, like
Samoan ufi lei,
Sundanese ubi aung,
Malay ubi torak, and
Javanese ubi gemblii. A term for lesser yam can be reconstructed in
Proto-Philippine as
*tugiq, but its cognates are limited to the island of
Luzon, including
Ivatan togi;
Ilocano and
Kankana-ey tugí;
Bontoc and
Ifugao tugi; and
Tagalog tugi.
Dioscorea hispida (intoxicating yam) The intoxicating yam (
Dioscorea hispida), is native to tropical Asia and New Guinea. It is only cultivated minimally in parts of
Java. Elsewhere it is harvested from the wild. Like
D. bulbifera it has toxic tubers that need to be prepared correctly before they can be eaten, and thus were only suitable for
famine food. However, it is one of the
Dioscorea species identified from the
Niah Caves archaeological site dating to <40,000
BP. Its names can be reconstructed to Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian
*gaduŋ. Its modern cognates in most
Western Malayo-Polynesian languages is
gadung or
gadong (also
ubi gadung or
ubi gadong). The names are also applied to the similarly toxic introduced
cassava.
Ficus aspera Ficus aspera, also known as
mosaic fig, is a plant native to Vanuatu, in the South Pacific region. The fruits of this plant are cauliflowerous (fruits that form from their main stems or woody trunks instead of new shoots). The mosaic fig is used as an ornamental plant.
Ficus dammaropsis Ficus dammaropsis, known as
kapiak in
Tok pisin, is a tropical fig with huge 60 cm pleated leaves native to the highlands and highland fringe of
New Guinea. Its fruit is edible, but it is rarely eaten except as an emergency food. When consumed, the young leaves are pickled or boiled and eaten as a salad with pork.
Ficus fraseri Ficus fraseru, also known as
white sandpaper fig and
bright sandpaper fig is one of several species of figs known as '''paper figs' sandpaper '''. This fig is native to New South Wales, Queensland, and Northern
New Caledonia and
Vanuatu. This fig grows as a bush or as a tree, with a height that varies between 6 and 15 meters. Its leaves are 6 to 14 cm long and 2.5 to 6.5 cm wide on petioles 1 to 2 cm long. The rounded figs are 1 to 1.5 cm long and start out yellow, maturing to orange-red between May and February in the species' native range. These are edible but tasteless. Although rarely seen in cultivation, it is a fast growing ornamental species. It can be easily propagated from seeds.
Ficus nota Ficus nota, is a species of flowering plant known as
tibig, found near water at low altitudes. The tibig is native to the Philippines. They are also found in parts of northern Borneo, in Malaysia. The tree can grow up to 9 meters high. The fruits are also edible for humans, although they are quite tasteless. They are usually eaten with sugar and cream in the Philippines. The raw leaves are also eaten as a vegetable.
Ficus pseudopalma Ficus pseudopalma, is a species of fig commonly known as
Philippine fig,
Philippine fig,
dracaena fig or '''palm leaf fig' '''. This is an endemic species of
Philippines, especially the island of
Luzon. This is a bush that grows erect with a bare, branchless stem topped with a clump of leaves that give it the appearance of a palm tree (hence the term
pseudopalma in its name, meaning "false palm"). The fruit is a dark green fig that grows in pairs, each fruit just over an inch long. In Luzon, this plant is found in grassland and forest habitats, where it is considered common. The shoots of this plant are consumed as a type of vegetable, and there are several traditional uses; among these is its use as a remedy for
kidney stones, which is obtained from the leaves. In the
Bicol region, the plant is known as
Lubi-lubi, and the ojas are cooked in coconut milk. This shrub has also been used as a landscaping plant in
Hawaii, but it never escaped cultivation or became established in the wild, because the wasp species that pollinates it never reached the islands.
Ficus tinctoria ,
Tonga Ficus tinctoria, also known as
coloring fig or
hunchback fig, is a tree belonging to one of the species known as
strangler figs. This is found in Malaysia, northern Australia and the islands of the South Pacific. Palms are favorable host species. The root systems of the coloring fig can join to be self-supporting, but the epiphyte usually drops if the host tree dies or rots. The small rust-brown fruit of the dye fig is the source of a red dye used in traditional fabric making in parts of Oceania and Indonesia. The fruit is also edible and an important food source in the low-lying atolls of Micronesia and Polynesia.
Ficus variegata Ficus variegata, is a species of tropical fig found in various parts of Asia, Pacific islands and southeastern Australia. There are several names for this species, such as
common red-stemmed fig,
green-fruited fig and
variegated fig. A study in 2024 based on molecular and morphological data showed that it is a pre-colonial
hybrid created in cultivation by
Polynesians through a cross between
Hibiscus cooperi and
Hibiscus kaute. The parent species were originally from
Vanuatu and
Tahiti respectively. The natural distributions of the parents are more than apart.
H. kaute was important in
Polynesian culture and medicine, which appears to have led to it being taken across the south Pacific in traditional canoes, where it eventually hybridized with
H. cooperi. There are several terms for noni that can be reconstructed. The most widespread is
Proto-Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian *ñəñu. Cognates include
Kapampangan lino;
Tagalog and
Bikol níno;
Cebuano ninú;
Gedaged nanom or
nonom;
Takia nom;
Bimanese nonu;
Tetun nenu-k;
Leti and
Asilulu nenu;
Leti (Moa) nienu;
Wetan neni. It became
Proto-Oceanic *ñoñu, with cognates including
Nali non;
Leipon and
Wogeo ñoñ;
Bipi ñoy;
Gitua and
Rarotongan nono;
Gilbertese non;
Motu,
Tongan,
Niue,
Futunan,
Samoan,
Tuvaluan,
Kapingamarangi,
Nukuoro, and
Anuta nonu; and
Hawaiian noni (from which the English name is derived from). In some languages the meaning has shifted to mean "small tree" or "shrub" or to the closely related
Morinda umbellata and
Morinda bracteata. s in
Tahiti These ancient introductions resulted in the banana subgroup now known as the
"true" plantains, which include the
East African Highland bananas and the
Pacific plantains (the
Iholena and
Maoli-Popo'ulu subgroups). East African Highland bananas originated from banana populations introduced to
Madagascar probably from the region between
Java,
Borneo, and
New Guinea; while Pacific plantains were introduced to the Pacific Islands from either eastern New Guinea or the
Bismarck Archipelago.
Musa abaca (abacá) Abacá (
Musa textilis), also known as Manila Hemp, is grown traditionally for its
fiber in the
Philippines. It was once one of the world's premier fibers, valued for its use in soft, lustrous, and silky fabrics. It was a major luxury export of the Philippines during the
Colonial Era, and was introduced to
Hawaii and
Central America by Europeans. It has since been replaced by synthetic fibers like
rayon and
nylon.
Myristica fragrans (nutmeg) The earliest evidence of use of
nutmeg (
Myristica fragrans) comes in the form of 3,500-year-old
potsherd residues from the island of Pulau Ai, one of the
Banda Islands in eastern Indonesia. The Banda Islands consist of eleven small volcanic islands, and are part of the larger
Maluku Islands group. These islands were the only source of nutmeg and mace production until the mid-19th century. It was one of the spices traded over the
Austronesian maritime spice trade network since at least 1500 BCE. By the 13th century, Arab traders had pinpointed the origin of nutmeg to the Banda Islands, but kept this location a secret from European traders.
hogang, guardian spirits carved from
tree fern trunks overlooking the
Banaue Rice Terraces of
Luzon The second is in the middle Yangtze River, believed to be the homelands of the early
Hmong–Mien speakers and associated with the
Pengtoushan and
Daxi cultures. Both of these regions were heavily populated and had regular trade contacts with each other, as well as with early
Austroasiatic speakers to the west, and early
Kra-Dai speakers to the south, facilitating the spread of rice cultivation throughout southern China.
Pandanus (pandan) leaves in traditional weaving (
lauhala) in
Moloka'i,
Hawaii (c. 1913) Pandanus (
Pandanus spp.) are very important cultivated plants in the Pacific, second only in importance and pervasiveness to coconuts. Every part of the plant is utilized, including for food, building materials, traditional medicine, and fiber and weaving materials in various cultures in
Austronesia. The plants (particularly the fragrant flowers) also had spiritual significance among the native
animist Austronesian religions. The word for pandanus in
Austronesian languages is derived from
Proto-Austronesian *paŋudaN, which became
Proto-Oceanic *padran and
Proto-Polynesian *fara, the latter two usually referring specifically to
Pandanus tectorius.
Cognates in modern Austronesian languages include
Kanakanavu pangətanə;
Thao and
Bunun panadan;
Tagalog pandan;
Chamorro pahong;
Ratahan pondang;
Malay pandan (from which the English name is derived);
Manggarai pandang;
Malagasy fandrana;
Lau fada-da;
Fijian vadra;
Samoan fala;
Tongan fā;
Tahitian fara;
Hawaiian hala; and
Māori whara or
hara. Note that among the
Formosan languages of
Indigenous Taiwanese, the meaning of the words have largely shifted to mean "
pineapple", a physically similar non-native
European-introduced plant. In Māori, as well, the meaning has shifted to
Astelia spp. and
Phormium tenax (harakeke), similar plants used for weaving, since pandanus did not survive the voyage into New Zealand. '' with fruit in
Beqa,
Fiji Pandanus grow well in island habitats, being very salt-tolerant and easy to propagate, making them ideal plants for early Austronesian sailors. Like coconuts, they grow predominantly along
strandlines,
mangrove forests, and other
coastal ecosystems. They can also be found in the
understory of forests in larger islands. Others may also be found in highland groves, likely planted by humans. Both pandanus and coconuts are adapted to withstand the strong winds of the frequent
typhoons of the Indo-Pacific. The greatest center of diversity of
Pandanus is the
western Pacific and Maritime Southeast Asia. The
genus has around 600
species, but the most important and the most widespread group of species in Austronesian cultures and is the
Pandanus tectorius complex. Very old fossils of
Pandanus tectorius have been recovered from Hawaii, dated to more than 1.2 million years old. This indicates that the plants once colonized Hawaii (and likely the rest of the Pacific islands) naturally through their buoyant fruits. However, useful domesticated varieties were carried by Austronesians from island to island. Especially since wild pandanus have
calcium oxalate crystals (
raphides) in their fruit tissue. They cause itchiness and irritation when eaten raw and thus need to be cooked. Domesticated varieties which have less raphides (which are also usually less fibrous and more nutritious), were therefore valued . It is thus considered both native and introduced.
Piper (peppers) Peppers (
Piper) ancestrally cultivated by Austronesians include the betel (
Piper betle), cubeb pepper (
Piper cubeba), kava (
Piper methysticum), and the Javanese long pepper (
Piper retrofractum). Many others were also harvested from the wild for medicinal or religious purposes, including
Piper caducibracteum,
Piper excelsum,
Piper ornatum, and
Piper sarmentosum. Black pepper (
Piper nigrum) and long pepper (
Piper longum) were also extensively cultivated in Maritime Southeast Asia after early contact by Austronesian traders with
South India and
Sri Lanka.
Piper betle (betel) vine The betel (
Piper betle) is one of the two plants that comprise the main ingredients of
betel chewing, the other being the areca nut (
Areca catechu). It is one of the most ubiquitous practices of the Austronesians. It is consumed by taking a leaf of betel, wrapping it around an areca nut and some
lime (obtained from grinding seashells), and then chewing it for some time. It is a
stimulant, inducing slight dizziness followed by
euphoria and alertness. It is also highly addictive, damages the teeth and gums, and stains the teeth red. In eastern
Indonesia, however, leaves from the wild
Piper caducibracteum (known as
sirih hutan) are also harvested and used in place of betel leaves. The oldest unequivocal evidence of betel chewing is from the
Philippines. Specifically that of several individuals found in a burial pit in the
Duyong Cave site of
Palawan island dated to around 4,630±250
BP . The dentition of the skeletons are stained, typical of betel chewers. The grave also includes
Anadara shells used as containers of lime, one of which still contained lime. Burial sites in
Bohol dated to the first millennium CE also show the distinctive reddish stains characteristic of betel chewing. Based on linguistic evidence of how the reconstructed
Proto-Austronesian term
*buaq originally meaning "fruit" came to refer to "areca nut" in
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, it is believed that betel chewing originally developed somewhere within the Philippines shortly after the beginning of the
Austronesian expansion (~5,000
BP). From the Philippines, it spread back to
Taiwan, as well as onwards to the rest of
Austronesia. It was also previously present in the
Lapita culture, based on archaeological remains from
Mussau dated to around 3,600 to 2,500
BP. But it did not reach
Polynesia further east. It is believed that it stopped in the
Solomon Islands due to the replacement of betel chewing with the tradition of
kava drinking prepared from the related
Piper methysticum. There are very old claims of betel chewing dating to at least 13,000
BP at the
Kuk Swamp site in
New Guinea, based on probable
Areca sp. recovered. However, it is now known that these might have been due to modern contamination of sample materials. Similar claims have also been made at other older sites with
Areca sp. remains, but none can be conclusively identified as
A. carechu and their association with betel peppers is tenuous or nonexistent.
Piper cubeba (cubeb pepper) The cubeb pepper (
Piper cubeba) are native to Maritime Southeast Asia. Like
Piper retrofractum, however, it was only cultivated extensively in the
Greater Sunda Islands for the
spice trade. The Javanese protected the monopoly of the trade by sterilizing the seeds before trading them. It has a pungent smell, often compared to
allspice, quite unlike that of the other culinary peppers. It also has a slightly bitter taste. It is notable as having reached as far as Greece during ancient times via the
Silk Road. It was a valuable rare spice in
Medieval Europe and the
Middle East, reputed to have medicinal and magical properties. Medieval Arab physicians commonly used it for a range of treatments, ranging from treating infertility to poison antidotes. It is mentioned in
The Book of One Thousand and One Nights as well as in the travelogues of
Marco Polo. Its trade waned during the Colonial Era when the
Portuguese Empire banned its importation to promote the black pepper produced by its own colonies.
Piper excelsum (kawakawa) in
Auckland, New Zealand Kawakawa (
Piper excelsum) is a small tree or shrub
endemic to
New Zealand and nearby
Norfolk Island and
Lord Howe Island. It was exploited by Austronesian settlers based on previous knowledge of the kava, as the latter could not survive in the colder climates of New Zealand. The
Māori name for the plant,
kawakawa, is derived from the same
etymon as kava, but
reduplicated. It is a sacred tree among the
Māori people. It is seen as a symbol of death, corresponding to the rangiora (
Brachyglottis repanda) which is the symbol of life. Boughs of kawakawa are often used in purification rituals.
Piper methysticum (kava) Kava (
Piper methysticum) is a small tree or shrub believed to have been domesticated in either
New Guinea or
Vanuatu by
Papuans. It is believed to be a domesticated variety of
Piper subbullatum which is native to
New Guinea and the
Philippines. Consumption of kava is also believed to be the reason why
betel chewing, ubiquitous elsewhere, was lost for Austronesians in Oceania. field in
Pampanga,
Philippines Saccharum officinarum was first domesticated in
New Guinea and the islands east of the
Wallace Line by
Papuans, where it is the modern center of diversity. Beginning at around 6,000
BP they were
selectively bred from the native
Saccharum robustum. From New Guinea it spread westwards to Maritime Southeast Asia after contact with Austronesians, where it hybridized with
Saccharum spontaneum. From Maritime Southeast Asia,
S. officinarum was spread eastward into
Polynesia and
Micronesia by Austronesian voyagers as a canoe plant by around 3,500
BP. It was also spread westward and northward by around 3,000
BP to China and India by Austronesian traders, where it further hybridized with
Saccharum sinense and
Saccharum barberi. From there it spread further into western
Eurasia and the
Mediterranean. Modern
cognates include
Hoanya and
Bunun sibus;
Rukai cobosə or
tibóso;
Tagalog tubó;
Chamorro tupu;
Murik Kayan tebu;
Malay tebu;
Old Sundanese teuwu;
Modern Sundanese tiwu;
Ansus tobu;
Malmariv tov;
Fijian dovu;
Mele-Fila and
Takuu toro;
Samoan tolo;
Tagula ro;
Pohnpeian cheu;
Tahitian to;
Pukapukan,
Rarotongan, and
Tongan tō;
Hawaiian kō; and
Rapa Nui to or
ta.
Santalum album (sandalwood) Santalum album is originally native to dry areas in
Indonesia (
Java and the
Lesser Sunda Islands), the
Philippines, and
Western Australia, where it is found with close
congeners. It was introduced very early () into
Dravidian regions of
South Asia via the
Austronesian maritime spice trade, along with other Austronesian domesticates like
areca nut and
coconuts. It first appears in archaeological records in South Asia in the southern
Deccan by 1300 BCE. It became naturalized in these regions where dry sandy soils are common.
Spondias dulcis (Polynesian plum) Spondias dulcis is native to
Melanesia but it was spread to neighboring regions in Maritime Southeast Asia and
Polynesia by Austronesians. In the
Philippines, it is known as
hevi.
Syzygium Trees in the genus
Syzygium contain some of the most important fruit trees among Austronesian peoples. Species cultivated or harvested for their edible fruit include the Java plum (
Syzygium cumini), jambos (
Syzygium jambos), lubeg (
Syzygium lineatum), swamp maire (
Syzygium maire), mountain apple (
Syzygium malaccense), lipote (
Syzygium polycephaloides), and the Java apple (
Syzygium samarangense), among others. Two species are also important sources of spice: the clove tree (
Syzygium aromaticum) and Indonesian bay leaf (
Syzygium polyanthum). One clove tree named
Afo that experts believe is the oldest in the world on
Ternate may be 350–400 years old. Cloves were first traded by the
Austronesian peoples in the
Austronesian maritime trade network (which began around 1500 BC, later becoming the
Maritime Silk Road and part of the
Spice Trade). The first notable example of modern clove farming developed on the east coast of
Madagascar, and is cultivated in three separate ways, a
monoculture, agricultural parklands, and
agroforestry systems.
Syzygium malaccense (mountain apple) s in
Maui The mountain apple (
Syzygium malaccense) along with the closely related species like the water apple (
Syzygium aqueum) and the Java apple (
Syzygium samarangense), are native throughout Maritime Southeast Asia and were cultivated since prehistory. They were all carried by Austronesians into the Pacific and planted deliberately. There numerous names for mountain apples in Austronesian languages. In the Philippines, the terms can be reconstructed to
Proto-Philippine *makúpa, with cognates including
Ilocano,
Aklanon, and
Cebuano makúpa; and
Tagalog and
Bikol makópa. It was also introduced to
Sri Lanka, southern India, and possibly also Australia through trade and contact. in
Maui Polynesian arrowroot was a minor staple among Austronesians. The roots are bitter if not prepared properly, thus it was only cultivated as a secondary crop to staples like
Dioscorea alata and
Colocasia esculenta. Its importance increased for settlers in the Pacific Islands, where food plants were scarcer, and it was introduced to virtually all the inhabited islands. They were valued for their ability to grow in low islands and
atolls, and were often the staple crops in islands with these conditions. In larger islands, they were usually allowed to grow feral and were useful only as
famine food. Several cultivars have been developed in Polynesia due to the thousands of years of artificial selection. The starch extracted from the root with traditional methods can last for a very long time, and thus can be stored or traded. Due to the introduction of modern crops, it is rarely cultivated today. The wood is soft and not very durable, so it is mostly only used for products like carvings, spears, bowls, and bracelets. However, it is also resistant to saltwater and thus can be used to make small canoes and outriggers. The wood is also preferred for
fire making by friction. The fiber extracted from the bark is widely used to make cordage and for
caulking. The bark is also used in the production of
tempeh in Southeast Asia, and
kava drinks in Polynesia. The attractive flowers are commonly made into
leis in Hawaii. The terms for beach hibiscus can be reconstructed to
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *baRu, which became
Proto-Oceanic *paRu and Proto-Micronesian
*kili-fau. Modern cognates include
Itbayaten vayu;
Ilocano bagó;
Kankana-ey bágo;
Chamorro pagu;
Tagalog balibago;
Cebuano malabago or
maribago;
Maranao bago;
Ngaju Dayak baro;
Malagasy baro or
varo;
Malay baru;
Javanese,
Rembong, and
Kambera waru;
Sangir and
Soboyo bahu;
Makasar baru;
Erai hau;
Leti paru;
Paulohi haru;
Buruese fahu;
Gitua paru;
Mailu waru;
Mota var or
varu;
Sye nau or
vau;
Anejom n-hau;
Fijian vau;
Tongan and
Samoan fau;
Rotuman,
Rennellese, and
Hawaiian hau; and
Māori whau.
Zingiberaceae (ginger family) Gingers (
family Zingiberaceae) were cultivated extensively by Austronesians for food, medicine, weaving materials, and for religious purposes. The most commonly cultivated species include the lengkuas (
Alpinia galanga), fingerroot (
Boesenbergia rotunda), turmeric (
Curcuma longa), torch ginger (
Etlingera elatior), and ginger (
Zingiber officinale). Other species were also exploited at a smaller scale or harvested from the wild, including dwarf cardamom (
Alpinia nutans), panasa
cardamom (
Amomum acre), white turmeric (
Curcuma zedoaria), jiddo (
Hornstedtia scottiana), white ginger lily (
Hedychium coronarium), and bitter ginger (
Zingiber zerumbet).
Alpinia galanga (lengkuas) rhizomes from
Malaysia The lengkuas (
Alpinia galanga) is native to Southeast Asia. Its original center of cultivation during the
spice trade was
Java, and today it is still cultivated extensively in Maritime Southeast Asia, most notably in the
Greater Sunda Islands and the
Philippines. It is valued for its use in food and for traditional medicine and is regarded as being superior to ginger. It has a pungent smell reminiscent of black pepper. The red and white cultivars are often used differently, with the red cultivars being primarily medicinal, and the white cultivars being primarily a spice. '') The plant is important in the Philippines and Indonesia as a traditional
dye for clothing and
food coloring. It was particularly valued for coloring food offerings to spirits as well as
body painting in religious rituals or social ceremonies. It is also used as a spice, as medicine and as food. Similar uses are also found in the other islands settled by Austronesians, including
Madagascar and the
Comoros in East Africa. In
Micronesia, it was a valuable trade item acquired from
Yap. In
Polynesia and
Melanesia, they are primarily used as body paint in rituals or as a cosmetic. The latter regions have been isolated for centuries from the rest of Maritime Southeast Asia prior to European contact. (
kunyit) in
Singapore There are two main
cognate sets for
C. longa and
C. zedoaria (both of which produce yellow dye) in Austronesian languages. The first is reconstructed as
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *kunij which originally referred to turmeric. Its cognates include
Ilocano,
Kankana-ey, and
Isneg kúnig;
Bontoc kúnəg;
Ifugao ūnig;
Casiguran Dumagat kuneg;
Iban and
Malay kunyit;
Toba Batak hunik;
Javanese kunir;
Sangir and
Tae' kuni;
Uma kuni;
Rembong kunis;
Ngadha wuné; and
Manggarai wunis. In
Malagasy and
Betsimisaraka, the cognates
hónitra and
húnitra have shifted meaning to a different plant used to make red dye. Other cognates like Ilocano
kimmúnig; Uma
mo-kuni, and Tae'
pakuniran all mean "yellow" or "to dye something yellow". Aside from being used for cuisine, ginger appears to have significant religious and medicinal roles in early Austronesian cultures, based on the
glosses it acquired. Ginger were chewed by shamans and spat out intermittently in rituals for healing, warding, and blessing ships. Other reflexes also refer to other members of the genus
Piper, to
fish poison, or as words to describe bitter, sour, or acrid flavors. In non-Oceanic languages, terms for bitter ginger can be reconstructed to Proto-Western Malayo-Polynesian
*lampuyaŋ, with cognates including
Cebuano and
Ngaju Dayak lampuyang;
Javanese lempuyang; and
Malay lempoyang. ==Animals==