Pre-Columbian era in
Santa Cruz province Evidence suggests that humans inhabited parts of what is now Argentina as early as 21,000 years ago. In 2015, fossilised bones of a large, extinct armored mammal called
Neosclerocalyptus were unearthed near
Buenos Aires. These bones bore cut marks indicative of butchering with stone tools, implying human activity during the
Last Glacial Maximum. Further south, the
Piedra Museo site in
Santa Cruz Province has yielded human remains and artifacts dating back approximately 11,000 years. Discoveries at this site include spearheads associated with extinct megafauna such as
Mylodon and
Hippidion, highlighting the advanced hunting practices of early inhabitants. Another significant site is the
Cueva de las Manos (
Cave of the Hands), also located in
Santa Cruz. This cave features stenciled handprints and hunting scenes created between 7,300 BC and 700 AD, offering insights into the lives of early hunter-gatherer communities.|alt=Painting of San Martín holding the Argentine flag Beginning a process from which Argentina was to emerge as successor state to the Viceroyalty, the 1810
May Revolution replaced the viceroy
Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros with the
First Junta, a new government in
Buenos Aires made up from locals. In the first clashes of the Independence War the Junta crushed a royalist
counter-revolution in Córdoba, but failed to overcome those of the
Banda Oriental,
Upper Peru and
Paraguay, which later became independent states. The French-Argentine
Hippolyte Bouchard then brought his fleet to wage war against Spain overseas and attacked
Spanish California,
Spanish Peru and
Spanish Philippines. He secured the allegiance of escaped Filipinos in San Blas who defected from the Spanish to join the Argentine navy, due to common Argentine and Philippine grievances against Spanish colonisation. Jose de San Martin's brother,
Juan Fermín de San Martín, was already in the Philippines and drumming up revolutionary fervor prior to this. At a later date, the Argentine sign of Inca origin, the
Sun of May was adopted as a symbol by the Filipinos in the
Philippine Revolution against Spain. He also secured the diplomatic recognition of Argentina from King
Kamehameha I of the
Kingdom of Hawaii. Historian Pacho O'Donnell affirms that Hawaii was the first state that recognised Argentina's independence. He was finally arrested in 1819 by Chilean patriots. Revolutionaries split into two antagonist groups: the
Centralists and the
Federalists—a move that would define Argentina's first decades of independence. The
Assembly of the Year XIII appointed
Gervasio Antonio de Posadas as Argentina's first
Supreme Director. On 9 July 1816, the
Congress of Tucumán formalised the
Declaration of Independence, which is now celebrated as Independence Day, a national holiday. One year later General
Martín Miguel de Güemes stopped royalists on the north. General
José de San Martín joined
Bernardo O'Higgins, and they led a combined army
across the Andes and secured the independence of Chile; then it was sent by O'Higgins orders to the Spanish stronghold of
Lima and proclaimed the
independence of Peru. In 1819 Buenos Aires enacted a
centralist constitution that was soon
abrogated by federalists. Some of the most important figures of Argentine independence made a proposal known as the
Inca plan of 1816, which proposed that the
United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (Present Argentina) should be a monarchy, led by a descendant of the
Inca. Juan Bautista Túpac Amaru (half-brother of
Túpac Amaru II) was proposed as monarch. Some examples of those who supported this proposal were
Manuel Belgrano,
José de San Martín and
Martín Miguel de Güemes. The
Congress of Tucumán finally decided to reject the Inca plan, creating instead a republican, centralist state. The 1820
Battle of Cepeda, fought between the Centralists and the Federalists, resulted in the
end of the Supreme Director rule. In 1826 Buenos Aires enacted another
centralist constitution, with
Bernardino Rivadavia being appointed as the first president of the country. However, the interior provinces soon rose against him, forced his resignation and discarded the constitution. Centralists and Federalists resumed the civil war; the latter prevailed and formed the
Argentine Confederation in 1831, led by
Juan Manuel de Rosas. During his regime he faced a
French blockade (1838–1840), the
War of the Confederation (1836–1839), and an
Anglo-French blockade (1845–1850), but remained undefeated and prevented further loss of national territory. His trade restriction policies, however, angered the interior provinces and in 1852
Justo José de Urquiza, another powerful
caudillo,
beat him out of power. As the new president of the Confederation, Urquiza enacted the
liberal and federal 1853 Constitution.
Buenos Aires seceded but was forced back into the Confederation after being defeated in the 1859
Battle of Cepeda.
Rise of the modern nation during the
May Revolution|alt= arriving in Buenos Aires, during the
great European immigration wave to Argentina Overpowering Urquiza in the 1861
Battle of Pavón,
Bartolomé Mitre secured Buenos Aires' predominance and was elected as the first president of the reunified country. He was followed by
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento and
Nicolás Avellaneda; these three presidencies set up the basis of the modern Argentine State. Starting with
Julio Argentino Roca in 1880, ten consecutive federal governments emphasised
liberal economic policies. The
massive wave of European immigration they promoted—second only to the United States'—led to a near-reinvention of Argentine society and economy that by 1908 had placed the country as the seventh wealthiest developed nation in the world. Driven by this
immigration wave and decreasing mortality, the Argentine population grew fivefold and the economy 15-fold: from 1870 to 1910, Argentina's
wheat exports went from per year, while frozen beef exports increased from per year, placing Argentina as one of the world's top five exporters. Its railway mileage rose from . Fostered by a new
public, compulsory, free and secular education system,
literacy quickly increased from 22% to 65%, a level higher than most
Latin American nations would reach even fifty years later. Furthermore, real
GDP grew so fast that despite the huge immigration influx,
per capita income between 1862 and 1920 went from 67% of developed country levels to 100%: In 1865, Argentina was already one of the top 25 nations by per capita income. By 1908, it had surpassed Denmark, Canada and the Netherlands to reach 7th place—behind Switzerland, New Zealand, Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom and Belgium. Argentina's per capita income was 70% higher than Italy's, 90% higher than Spain's, 180% higher than Japan's and 400% higher than
Brazil's. Despite these unique achievements, the country was slow to meet its original goals of industrialisation: after the steep development of capital-intensive local industries in the 1920s, a significant part of the manufacturing sector remained labour-intensive in the 1930s.
, by Juan Manuel Blanes (fragment showing
Julio Argentino Roca, at the front, a major figure of the
Generation of '80)'' Between 1878 and 1884, the so-called
Conquest of the Desert occurred, with the purpose of tripling the Argentine territory by means of the constant confrontations between natives and Criollos in the border, and the appropriation of the indigenous territories. The first conquest consisted of a series of military incursions into the Pampa and Patagonian territories dominated by the indigenous peoples, distributing them among the members of the
Sociedad Rural Argentina, financiers of the expeditions. The conquest of Chaco lasted up to the end of the century, since its full ownership of the national economic system only took place when the mere extraction of wood and
tannin was replaced by the production of
cotton. The Argentine government considered
indigenous people as inferior beings, without the same rights as Criollos and Europeans. In 1912, President
Roque Sáenz Peña enacted
universal and secret male suffrage, which allowed
Hipólito Yrigoyen, leader of the
Radical Civic Union (or UCR), to win
the 1916 election. He enacted social and economic reforms and extended assistance to small farms and businesses. Argentina stayed neutral during
World War I. The second administration of Yrigoyen faced an economic crisis, precipitated by the
Great Depression. during the
1930 Argentine coup d'état which marked the start of the
Infamous Decade In 1930, Yrigoyen
was ousted from power by the military led by
José Félix Uriburu. Although Argentina remained among the fifteen richest countries until mid-century, this
coup d'état marked the start of the steady economic and social decline that pushed the country back into underdevelopment. Uriburu ruled for two years; then
Agustín Pedro Justo was elected in a
fraudulent election and signed a controversial
treaty with the United Kingdom. Argentina
stayed neutral during World War II, a decision that had full British support but was rejected by the United States after the
attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1943
a military coup d'état led by
General Arturo Rawson toppled the constitutional government of
Ramón Castillo. Under pressure from the United States, later Argentina declared war on the Axis Powers (on 27 March 1945, roughly a month before the
end of World War II in Europe). During the Rawson dictatorship a relatively unknown military colonel named
Juan Perón was named head of the Labour Department. Perón quickly managed to climb the political ladder, being named defence minister in 1944. Being perceived as a political threat by rivals in the military and the conservative camp, he was forced to resign in 1945, and was arrested days later. He was finally released under mounting pressure from both his base and several allied unions. He later became president after a landslide victory over the UCR in the
1946 general election as the
Labour candidate.
Peronist years and his wife
Eva Perón, 1947 The
Labour Party (later renamed
Justicialist Party), the most powerful and influential party in Argentine history, came into power with the rise of Juan Perón to the presidency in 1946. He
nationalised strategic industries and services, improved wages and working conditions, paid the full
external debt and claimed he achieved nearly
full employment. He pushed Congress to enact
women's suffrage in 1947, and developed a system of social assistance for the most vulnerable sectors of society. The economy began to decline in 1950 due in part to government expenditures and the
protectionist economic policies. He also engaged in a campaign of political suppression. Anyone who was perceived to be a political dissident or potential rival was subject to threats, physical violence and harassment. The Argentine
intelligentsia, the middle-class, university students, and professors were seen as particularly troublesome. Perón fired over 2,000 university professors and faculty members from all major public education institutions. Perón tried to bring most trade and labour unions under his thumb, regularly resorting to violence when needed. For instance, the meat-packers union leader,
Cipriano Reyes, organised strikes in protest against the government after elected labour movement officials were forcefully replaced by Peronist puppets from the
Peronist Party. Reyes was soon arrested on charges of terrorism, though the allegations were never substantiated. Reyes, who was never formally charged, was tortured in prison for five years and only released after the regime's downfall in 1955. Perón
managed to get reelected in 1951. His wife
Eva Perón, who played a critical role in the party, died of cancer in 1952. As the economy continued to tank, Perón started losing popular support, and came to be seen as a threat to the national process. The Navy took advantage of Perón's withering political power, and
bombed the Plaza de Mayo in 1955. Perón survived the attack, but a few months later, during the
Liberating Revolution coup, he was deposed and went into
exile in Spain.
Revolución Libertadora , June 1955 The new head of State,
Pedro Eugenio Aramburu,
proscribed Peronism and banned the party from any future elections.
Arturo Frondizi from the
UCR won the
1958 general election. He encouraged investment to achieve energetic and industrial self-sufficiency, reversed a chronic
trade deficit and lifted the ban on Peronism; yet his efforts to stay on good terms with both the Peronists and the military earned him the rejection of both and a new coup forced him out. Amidst the political turmoil, Senate leader
José María Guido reacted swiftly and applied anti-
power vacuum legislation, ascending to the presidency himself; elections were repealed and Peronism was prohibited once again.
Elected in 1963,
Arturo Illia presided over a period of broad economic expansion until his 1966 ousting by a military
coup led by General
Juan Carlos Onganía. This
Argentine Revolution established a long-term military dictatorship intended to rule indefinitely.
Perón's return and death Following several years of military rule,
Alejandro Agustín Lanusse was appointed president by the
military junta in 1971. Under increasing political pressure for the return of democracy, Lanusse called for elections in 1973. Perón was banned from running but the Peronist party was allowed to participate. The presidential elections were won by Perón's surrogate candidate,
Hector Cámpora, a left-wing Peronist, who took office on 25 May 1973. A month later, in June, Perón returned from Spain. One of Cámpora's first presidential actions was to grant amnesty to members of organisations that had carried out political assassinations and terrorist attacks, and to those who had been tried and sentenced to prison by judges. Cámpora's months-long tenure in government was beset by political and social unrest. Over 600 social conflicts,
strikes, and
factory occupations took place within a single month. Even though far-left terrorist organisations had suspended their armed struggle, their joining with the
participatory democracy process was interpreted as a direct threat by the Peronist right-wing faction. Amid a state of political, social, and economic upheaval, Cámpora and Vice President Vicente Solano Lima resigned in July 1973, calling for new elections, but this time with Perón as the Justicialist Party nominee. Perón won the election with his wife
Isabel Perón as vice president. Perón's third term was marked by escalating conflict between left and right-wing factions within the Peronist party, as well as the return of armed terror guerrilla groups such as the Guevarist
ERP, leftist Peronist
Montoneros, and the state-backed far-right
Triple A. After a series of heart attacks and signs of pneumonia in 1974, Perón's health deteriorated quickly. He suffered a final heart attack on Monday, 1 July 1974, and died at 13:15. He was 78 years old. After his death,
Isabel Perón, his wife and vice president, succeeded him in office. During her presidency, a military junta, along with the Peronists' far-right fascist faction, once again became the
de facto head of state. Isabel Perón served as President of Argentina from 1974 until 1976, when she was ousted by the military. Her short presidency was marked by the collapse of Argentine political and social systems, leading to a constitutional crisis that paved the way for a decade of instability, left-wing terrorist guerrilla attacks, and state-sponsored terrorism.
National Reorganization Process " – Admiral
Emilio Massera, Lieutenant General
Jorge Videla and Brigadier General
Orlando Agosti (from left to right) – observing the
Independence Day military parade on
Avenida del Libertador, 9 July 1978 The "Dirty War" () was part of
Operation Condor, which included the participation of other right-wing dictatorships in the
Southern Cone. The Dirty War involved
state terrorism in Argentina and elsewhere in the Southern Cone against political dissidents, with military and security forces employing urban and rural violence against left-wing guerrillas, political dissidents, and anyone believed to be associated with socialism or somehow contrary to the
neoliberal economic policies of the regime. Victims of the violence in Argentina alone included an estimated 15,000 to 30,000 left-wing activists and militants, including trade unionists, students, journalists,
Marxists,
Peronist guerrillas, and alleged sympathisers. Most of the victims were casualties of
state terrorism. The opposing guerrillas' victims numbered nearly 500–540 military and police officials and up to 230 civilians. Argentina received technical support and military aid from the United States government during the
Johnson,
Nixon,
Ford,
Carter, and
Reagan administrations. The exact chronology of the
repression is still debated, yet the roots of the long political war may have started in 1969 when trade unionists were targeted for assassination by Peronist and Marxist paramilitaries. Individual cases of
state-sponsored terrorism against Peronism and the left can be traced back even further to the
Bombing of Plaza de Mayo in 1955. The
Trelew massacre of 1972, the actions of the
Argentine Anticommunist Alliance commencing in 1973, and
Isabel Perón's "annihilation decrees" against left-wing guerrillas during
Operativo Independencia (Operation Independence) in 1975, are also possible events signaling the beginning of the Dirty War. Onganía shut down Congress, banned all political parties, and dismantled student and worker unions. In 1969, popular discontent led to two massive protests: the
Cordobazo and the
Rosariazo. The terrorist guerrilla organisation
Montoneros kidnapped and executed Aramburu. The newly chosen head of government,
Alejandro Agustín Lanusse, seeking to ease the growing political pressure, allowed
Héctor José Cámpora to become the Peronist candidate instead of Perón. Cámpora won the
March 1973 election, issued
pardons for condemned guerrilla members, and then secured Perón's return from his exile in Spain. On the day Perón returned to Argentina, the clash between Peronist internal factions—
right-wing union leaders and
left-wing youth from the Montoneros—resulted in the
Ezeiza Massacre. Overwhelmed by political violence, Cámpora resigned and Perón won the following
September 1973 election with his third wife
Isabel as vice-president. He
expelled Montoneros from the party and they became once again a clandestine organisation.
José López Rega organised the
Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (AAA) to fight against them and the
People's Revolutionary Army (ERP). Perón died in July 1974 and was succeeded by his wife, who signed a secret decree empowering the military and the police to "annihilate" the left-wing subversion,
stopping ERP's attempt to start a rural insurgence in Tucumán province.
Isabel Perón was ousted one year later by a junta of the combined armed forces, led by army general
Jorge Rafael Videla. They initiated the
National Reorganization Process, often shortened to
Proceso. The
Proceso shut down Congress, removed the judges on the Supreme Court, banned political parties and unions, and resorted to employing the
forced disappearance of suspected guerrilla members including individuals suspected of being associated with the left-wing. By the end of 1976, the Montoneros had lost nearly 2,000 members and by 1977, the ERP was completely subdued. Nevertheless, the severely weakened Montoneros launched a counterattack in 1979, which was quickly put down, effectively ending the guerrilla threat and securing the junta's position in power. In March 1982, an Argentine force took control of the British territory of
South Georgia and, on 2 April, Argentina
invaded the Falkland Islands. The United Kingdom dispatched a task force to regain possession. Argentina surrendered on 14 June and its forces were taken home. Street riots in Buenos Aires followed the humiliating defeat and the military leadership stood down.
Reynaldo Bignone replaced Galtieri and began to organise the transition to democratic governance.
Return to democracy (left) with
Fernando de la Rúa on 10 December 1999 just after the latter became president|left
Raúl Alfonsín won the
1983 elections campaigning for the prosecution of those responsible for
human rights violations during the
Proceso: the
Trial of the Juntas and other martial courts sentenced all the coup's leaders but, under military pressure, he also enacted the
Full Stop and
Due Obedience laws, which halted prosecutions further down the
chain of command. The worsening economic crisis and
hyperinflation reduced his popular support and the Peronist
Carlos Menem won the
1989 election. Soon after,
riots forced Alfonsín to an early resignation. during the
Argentinazo riots, which forced De La Rúa to resign on 21 December 2001 Menem embraced and enacted
neoliberal policies: a
fixed exchange rate, business
deregulation,
privatisations, and the dismantling of
protectionist barriers normalised the economy in the short term. He pardoned the officers who had been sentenced during Alfonsín's government. The
1994 Constitutional Amendment allowed Menem to
be elected for a second term. With the economy beginning to decline in 1995, and with increasing unemployment and recession, the UCR, led by
Fernando de la Rúa, returned to the presidency in the
1999 elections. De la Rúa left Menem's economic plan in effect despite the worsening crisis, which led to growing social discontent. Massive
capital flight from the country was responded to with a
freezing of bank accounts, generating further turmoil. The
December 2001 riots forced him to resign. Congress appointed
Eduardo Duhalde as acting president, who revoked the fixed exchange rate established by Menem, causing many working- and middle-class Argentines to lose a significant portion of their savings. By late 2002, the economic crisis began to recede, but the assassination of two
piqueteros by the police caused political unrest, prompting Duhalde to move elections forward.
Néstor Kirchner was
elected as the new president. On 26 May 2003, he was sworn in. and his wife
Cristina Kirchner just after
her presidency began, 10 December 2007 Boosting the
neo-Keynesian economic policies laid by Duhalde, Kirchner ended the economic crisis attaining significant fiscal and trade surpluses, and rapid
GDP growth. Under his administration, Argentina
restructured its defaulted debt with an unprecedented discount of about 70% on most bonds, paid off debts with the
International Monetary Fund, purged the military of officers with dubious human rights records,
nullified and voided the Full Stop and Due Obedience laws, ruled them as unconstitutional, and resumed legal prosecution of the Junta's crimes. He did not run for reelection, promoting instead the candidacy of his wife, senator
Cristina Kirchner who won the
2007 and
2011 elections. During
Kirchner's presidency she promoted foreign relations with countries such as Venezuela, Iran, and Cuba, whilst US and UK relations were increasingly strained. Despite increased renewable energy production and subsidies during her tenure, the overall economy had been sluggish since 2011. On 22 November 2015, after a tie in the first round of
presidential elections on 25 October,
centre-right coalition candidate
Mauricio Macri won the first
ballotage in Argentina's history, beating
Front for Victory candidate
Daniel Scioli and becoming president-elect. Macri was the first democratically elected non-
peronist president since 1916 that managed to complete his term in office without being overthrown. He took office on 10 December 2015 and inherited an economy with a high inflation rate and in a poor shape. In April 2016, the
Macri government introduced neoliberal austerity measures intended to tackle
inflation and overblown public deficits. Under Macri's administration, economic recovery remained elusive with GDP shrinking 3.4%, inflation totalling 240%, billions of US dollars issued in sovereign debt, and mass poverty increasing by the end of his term. He ran for reelection in 2019 but lost by nearly eight percentage points to
Alberto Fernández, the Justicialist Party candidate. receiving
the presidency from
Fernández on
10 December 2023 Fernández and vice president Cristina Kirchner took office in December 2019, just months before the
COVID-19 pandemic hit Argentina and among accusations of
corruption,
bribery and
misuse of public funds during Néstor and Cristina Kirchner's presidencies. In November 2021, the centre-left coalition of Argentina's ruling Peronist party,
Frente de Todos (Front for Everyone), lost its majority in Congress, for the first time in almost 40 years, in midterm
legislative elections. The election victory of the centre-right coalition,
Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change) limited Fernández' power during his final two years in office. Losing control of the Senate made it difficult for him to make key appointments, including to the judiciary. It also forced him to negotiate with the opposition on every initiative send to the legislature. In April 2023, Fernández announced that he would not seek reelection in the next
presidential election. The November
2023 election run-off ended in a win for libertarian outsider
Javier Milei with 55.7% of the vote against 44.4% to ruling coalition candidate
Sergio Massa.
Milei's presidency began on
10 December 2023. In October 2025, President Javier Milei's party,
La Libertad Avanza, won a landslide victory in
midterm elections, making it easier for Milei to push ahead with his programme of radical spending cuts and free-market reforms. == Geography ==