Europe Polls conducted in 2003 have shown that anti-Americanism increased in Europe due to the
Iraq War, perception of U.S. power, its policies, and leadership. Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2003 among European Union countries revealed that Europeans view America as a higher risk to Global Peace than Iran and North Korea. After Trump imposed
tariffs on 2 April 2025, anti-Americanism rose further across Europe.
Eastern Europe Russia in
Russian-occupied Donetsk, Ukraine, on 9 May 2014 Russia has a long history of anti-Americanism, dating back to the
Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. As early as 1919, the leader of the
Soviet Russia,
Vladimir Lenin, was recorded addressing
Red Army soldiers, where he claimed that "capitalists of England, France, and America are waging war against Russia". The image of
Uncle Sam was also used by the
Bolsheviks to portray
White Russian forces as foreign-sponsored. In 2013, 30% of Russians had a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" view of Americans, and 40% viewed the U.S. in a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" light, up from 34% in 2012. By 2020, 71% of Russians had at least a somewhat negative attitude toward the U.S., up from 38% in 2013, according to a
Levada Center survey. It is the largest figure since the
collapse of the USSR. In 2015, a new poll by the Levada center showed that 81% of Russians now hold unfavorable views of the United States, presumably as a result of U.S. and
international sanctions imposed against Russia because of the
Russo-Ukrainian war. Anti-Americanism in Russia is reportedly at its highest since the end of the
Cold War. A December 2017 survey conducted by the
Chicago Council and its Russian partner, the Levada Center, showed that 78% of "Russians polled said the United States meddles "a great deal" or "a fair amount" in Russian politics", only 24% of Russians say they hold a positive view of the United States, and 81% of "Russians said they felt the United States was working to undermine Russia on the world stage." Survey results published by the
Levada-Center indicate that, as of August 2018, Russians increasingly viewed the United States positively following the
Russia–U.S. summit in Helsinki in July 2018.
The Moscow Times reported that "For the first time since 2014, the number of Russians who said they had "positive" feelings towards the United States (42 percent) outweighed those who reported "negative" feelings (40 percent)." In February 2020, 46% of Russians polled said they had a negative view of the United States. According to the
Pew Research Center, "57% of Russians ages 18 to 29 see the U.S. favorably, compared with only 15% of Russians ages 50 and older." In 2019, only 20% of Russians viewed U.S. President
Donald Trump positively. Only 14% of Russians expressed net approval of
Donald Trump's policies.
Western Europe , 2006 In a 2003 article, historian David Ellwood identified what he called three great roots of anti-Americanism: • Representations, images, and stereotypes (from the birth of the Republic onwards) • The challenge of economic power and the American model of modernization (principally from the 1910s and 1920s on) • The organized projection of U.S. political, strategic, and ideological power (from World War II on) He went on to say that expressions of the phenomenon in the last 60 years have contained ever-changing combinations of these elements, the configurations depending on internal crises within the groups or societies articulating them as much as anything done by American society in all its forms. In 2004, Sergio Fabbrini wrote that the perceived post-
9/11 unilateralism of the
2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq fed deep-rooted anti-American feeling in Europe, bringing it to the surface. In his article, he highlighted European fears surrounding the Americanization of the economy, culture, and political process of Europe. Fabbrini in 2011 identified a cycle in anti-Americanism: modest in the 1990s, it grew explosively between 2003 and 2008, then declined after 2008. He sees the current version as related to images of American foreign policy-making as unrestrained by international institutions or world opinion. Thus, it is the unilateral policy process and the arrogance of policy makers, not the specific policy decisions, that are decisive. During the
George W. Bush administration, public opinion of America declined in most European countries. A
Pew Research Center Global Attitudes Project poll showed "favorable opinions" of America between 2000 and 2006 dropping from 83% to 56% in the United Kingdom, from 62% to 39% in France, from 78% to 37% in Germany and from 50% to 23% in Spain. In Spain, unfavorable views of Americans rose from 30% in 2005 to 51% in 2006 and positive views of Americans dropped from 56% in 2005 to 37% in 2006. to London in 2008 In Europe in 2002, vandalism of American companies was reported in Athens, Zürich,
Tbilisi, Moscow and elsewhere. In Venice, 8 to 10 masked individuals claiming to be anti-globalists attacked a McDonald's restaurant. In Athens, at the demonstrations commemorating the
17 November Uprising there was a march toward the U.S. embassy to emphasize the U.S. backing of the
Greek military junta of 1967–1974 attended by many people each year. Ruth Hatlapa, a PhD candidate at the
University of Augsburg, and Andrei S. Markovits, a professor of Political Science at the
University of Michigan, describe President Obama's image as that of an angel – or more precisely, a rock star – in Europe in contrast to Bush's devilish image there; they argue, however, that "Obamamania" masks a deep-seated distrust and disdain of America. According to a March 2025 report by YouGov, Western European attitudes towards the US have become more negative since Trump's re-election. The US is now viewed negatively by more than half of the people in Britain (53%), Germany (56%), Sweden (63%), and Denmark (74%).
France In France, the term
"Anglo-Saxon" is often used in expressions of anti-Americanism or
Anglophobia. French writers have also used it in more nuanced ways in discussions about French decline, especially as an alternative model to which France should aspire, how France should adjust to its two most prominent global competitors, how it should deal with social and economic modernization, and how the
American Revolution and the subsequent
French Revolution were interrelated. According to Robert Stam and Ella Shohat, "For many French people, the United States calls to mind savage capitalism, rampant individualism, phobic Puritanism, imperialism, and anti-intellectualism. For the French left, the United States is also seen as orchestrating the globalization that imposes the English language, Hollywood blockbusters, and Big Macs on a reluctant world." The
First Indochina War in
Indochina and the
Suez Crisis of 1956 caused dismay among the French right, which was already angered by the lack of American support during
Dien Bien Phu in 1954. For the Socialists and Communists of the
French left, it was the
Vietnam War and U.S. imperialism that were the sources of resentment. Much later, the alleged
weapons of mass destruction in Iraq affair further dirtied the previously favorable image. In 2008, 85% of the French people considered the American government and banks to be most liable for the
2008 financial crisis.
Sophie Meunier contends that although it has a long history (older than the U.S. itself) and is the most easily recognizable anti-Americanism in Europe, it may not have had real policy consequences on the United States and thus may have been less damaging than more pernicious and invisible anti-Americanism in other countries. In 2025, 59% in France viewed the U.S. in a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" light.
Germany missiles in Europe,
Bonn,
West Germany, 1981 German naval planners in the 1890–1910 era denounced the
Monroe Doctrine as a self-aggrandizing legal pretension to dominate the Western hemisphere. They were even more concerned with the
possible American canal in Panama, because it would lead to full American hegemony in the Caribbean. The stakes were laid out in the German war aims proposed by the Navy in 1903: a "firm position in the West Indies," a "free hand in South America," and an official "revocation of the
Monroe Doctrine" would provide a solid foundation for "our trade to the
West Indies,
Central and South America." During the Cold War, anti-Americanism was the official government policy in
East Germany, and dissenters were punished. In West Germany, anti-Americanism was the common position on the left, but the majority praised America as a protector against communism and a critical ally in rebuilding the nation. Germany's refusal to support the American-led
2003 invasion of Iraq was often seen as a manifestation of anti-Americanism. Anti-Americanism had been muted on the right since 1945, but re-emerged in the 21st century especially in the
Alternative for Germany (AfD) party that began in opposition to European Union, and now has become both anti-American and anti-immigrant. Annoyance or distrust of the Americans was heightened in 2013 by revelations of
American spying on top German officials, including Chancellor Merkel. In the affair surrounding
Der Spiegel journalist
Claas Relotius, U.S. Ambassador to Germany
Richard Grenell wrote to the magazine complaining about an anti-American institutional bias ("Anti-Amerikanismus") and asked for an independent investigation. Grenell wrote that "These fake news stories largely focus on U.S. policies and certain segments of the American people." German historian Darius Harwardt has noted that from 1980 onwards, the term has seen an increase in usage in
German politics, for example to discredit those that wish to close
American military bases in Germany.
Greece Although the Greeks have generally held a favorable attitude towards America and still do today, with 56.5% holding a favorable view in 2013, and 53% in 2025,
Netherlands , 1983 Although the Dutch have generally held a favorable attitude toward America, there were negative currents in the aftermath of World War II as the Dutch blamed American policy as the reason why their
colonies in Southeast Asia were able to gain
independence. They credit their rescue from the Nazis in 1944–45 to the
Canadian Army. Postwar attitudes continued the perennial ambiguity of anti-Americanism: the love-hate relationship, or willingness to adopt American cultural patterns while at the same time voicing criticism of them. In the 1960s, anti-Americanism revived largely in reaction against the Vietnam War. Its major early advocates were non-party-affiliated, left-wing students, journalists, and intellectuals. Dutch public opinion polls (1975–83) indicate a stable attitude toward the United States; only 10% of the people were deeply anti-American. The most strident rhetoric came from the left wing of Dutch politics and can largely be attributed to the consequences of Dutch participation in NATO. According to a Pew Research poll in 2025, 29% of Dutch people held a favorable opinion of the United States, while 69% held an unfavorable opinion. According to a Pew Research poll in 2025, 50% of British people held a favorable opinion of the United States, while 49% held an unfavorable opinion. Anti-American sentiment became more widespread in the United Kingdom following the
Iraq War and the
War in Afghanistan.
Ireland Negative sentiment towards American tourists is implied to have risen around 2012 and 2014.
Denmark Having already been on the rise along with the rest of Europe due to the 2025
Liberation Day tariffs, Despite Denmark being a traditional US ally, the
Danish Defence Intelligence Service classified the US as a national security threat for the first time ever in its 2025 annual report. This culminated in the
Hands off Greenland protests across the
Danish Realm, in which protesters chanted anti-American slogans and rejected the proposed American takeover.
Asia Anti-Americanism in the Middle East and parts of Asia has substantially increased due to U.S sanctions and military involvement in countries like Afghanistan and Iraq, worsening relations and public opinion. However, East and South Asian countries like the Philippines, South Korea, and India remain the most pro-American countries.
East Asia China China has a history of anti-Americanism beginning with the general disdain for foreigners in the early 19th century that culminated in the
Boxer Rebellion of 1900, which the U.S. helped in militarily suppressing. During the
Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, the U.S. provided economic and military assistance to the
Chiang Kai-shek government against the Japanese invasion. In particular, the "
China Hands" (American diplomats known for their knowledge of China) also attempted to establish diplomatic contacts with
Mao Zedong's communist regime
in their stronghold in Yan'an, with a goal of fostering unity between the Nationalists and Communists. However, relations soured after communist victory in the
Chinese Civil War and the relocation of the Chiang government to
Taiwan, together with the start of the
Cold War and rise of
McCarthyism in U.S. politics. The newly communist China and the U.S. fought a major undeclared
war in Korea, 1950–53 and, as a result, President
Harry S. Truman began advocating a policy of containment and sent the
United States Seventh Fleet to deter a possible communist invasion of Taiwan. The U.S. signed the
Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty with Taiwan which lasted until 1979 and, during this period, the communist government in Beijing was not diplomatically recognized by the U.S. By 1950, virtually all American diplomatic staff had left mainland China, and one of Mao's political goals was to identify and destroy factions inside China that might be favorable to capitalism. Mao initially ridiculed the U.S. as "
paper tiger" occupiers of Taiwan, "the enemy of the people of the world and has increasingly isolated itself" and "monopoly capitalist groups", and it was argued that Mao never intended friendly relations with the U.S. However, due to the
Sino-Soviet split and increasing tension between China and the Soviet Union, US President
Richard Nixon signaled a diplomatic rapprochement with communist China, and
embarked on an official visit in 1972. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were eventually restored in 1979. After Mao's death,
Deng Xiaoping embarked on economic reforms, and hostility diminished sharply, while large-scale trade and investments, as well as cultural exchanges, became major factors. Following the
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the U.S. placed economic and military sanctions upon China, although official diplomatic relations continued. , 1999 In 2013, 53% of Chinese respondents in a
Pew survey had a "very unfavorable" or "somewhat unfavorable" view of the U.S. There has been a significant increase in anti-Americanism since U.S. President
Donald Trump launched a
trade war against China, with Chinese media airing
Korean War films. In May 2019,
Global Times said that "the trade war with the U.S. at the moment reminds Chinese of military struggles between China and the U.S. during the Korean War." , the ongoing U.S. military presence on
Okinawa remained a contentious issue in Japan. While protests have arisen because of specific incidents, they are often reflective of deeper historical resentments. Robert Hathaway, director of the Wilson Center's Asia program, suggests: "The growth of anti-American sentiment in both Japan and South Korea must be seen not simply as a response to American policies and actions, but as reflective of deeper domestic trends and developments within these Asian countries". In Japan, a variety of threads have contributed to anti-Americanism in the post-war era, including
pacifism on the left,
nationalism on the right, and opportunistic worries over American influence in Japanese economic life. From the
postwar until today, most conservatives, including the
Liberal Democratic Party, have a pro-American view; there are "
anti-American conservative" who are critical of this and seek to preserve Japan's independent foreign policy or cultural values. Negative views of America increased during the second presidency of Donald Trump; according to a Pew Research poll in 2025, 55% of Japanese held a favorable opinion of the United States, down from 70% in 2024, while 44% held an unfavorable opinion, up from 28% in 2024. During the early 1990s,
Western princess, prostitutes for American soldiers became a symbol of anti-American nationalism. "Dear American" is an anti-American song sung by
Psy. "
Fucking USA" is an anti-American
protest song written by South Korean singer and activist Yoon Min-suk. Strongly anti-U.S. foreign policy and anti-Bush, the song was written in 2002 at a time when, following the
Apolo Ohno Olympic controversy and
an incident in Yangju in which two Korean middle school students died after being struck by a U.S. Army vehicle, anti-American sentiment in South Korea reached high levels. However, by 2009, a majority of South Koreans were reported as having a favorable view of the United States. In 2014, 58% of South Koreans had a favorable view of the U.S., making South Korea one of the world's most pro-American countries.
North Korea in 2009
Relations between North Korea and the United States have been hostile ever since the
Korean War, and the former's more recent development of
nuclear weapons and long range missiles has further increased tension between the two nations. The United States currently maintains a
military presence in South Korea, and President
George W. Bush had previously described North Korea as part of the "
Axis of Evil". In North Korea, July is the "Month of Joint Anti-American Struggle," with festivities to denounce the U.S.
Southeast Asia take to the streets to demonstrate against the
Innocence of Muslims film.
Philippines and
Ateneo de Manila University burn the
flag of China and US to protest against their encroachment of Philippine sovereignty. Anti-American sentiment has existed in the Philippines, owing primarily to the
Philippine–American War of more than 100 years ago, and the
1898–1946 period of US colonial rule. One of the country's most recognizable patriotic hymns, (; ), written during the Philippine–American War, makes reference to "the
Anglo-Saxon … who with vile treason subjugates [the Fatherland]". The song then exhorts the invaded and later occupied nation to "free [it]self from the traitor." adding that "The
Spanish language was understood then as a tool of cultural and political resistance." Statesman and internationally renowned
Hispanophone writer
Claro Mayo Recto had once dared to oppose the
national security interests of the US in the Philippines, such as when he campaigned against the US military bases in his country. During the 1957 presidential campaign, the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) conducted black propaganda operations to ensure his defeat, including the distribution of condoms with holes in them and marked with "Courtesy of Claro M. Recto" on the labels. The CIA is also suspected of involvement in his death by
heart attack less than three years later. Recto, who had no known heart disease, met with two mysterious "Caucasians" wearing business suits before he died. US government documents later showed that a plan to murder Recto with a vial of poison was discussed by CIA Chief of Station Ralph Lovett and US Ambassador Admiral
Raymond Spruance years earlier. When U.S. president Barack Obama toured Asia, in mid to late April 2014 to visit Malaysia, South Korea, Japan, and the Philippines, hundreds of Filipino protests demonstrated in
Manila shouting anti-Obama slogans, with some even burning mock U.S. flags. The controversial
Visiting Forces Agreement adds further fuel to anti-American sentiment, especially among
Philippine Muslims. US military personnel have also been tried and convicted for rapes and murders committed on Philippine soil against civilians. These service personnel would later either be freed by the justice system or receive a presidential pardon. However, despite these incidents, a poll conducted in 2011 by the BBC found that 90% of Filipinos have a favorable view of the U.S., higher than the view of the U.S. in any other country. According to a Pew Research Center Poll released in 2014, 92% of Filipinos viewed the U.S. favorably, making the Philippines the most pro-American nation in the world. The election of
Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, along with persistently high approval ratings thereafter, nevertheless herald a new era marked by
neonationalism and a resurgent anti-Americanism founded on what had by then been long-unattended historical grievances.
South Asia Afghanistan Drone strikes have led to growing anti-Americanism.
Pakistan Negative attitudes toward the U.S.'s influence on the world has risen in
Pakistan as a result of
U.S. drone attacks on the country introduced by
George W. Bush and continued by
Barack Obama. In a poll surveying opinions toward the United States, Pakistan scored as the most negatively aligned nation, jointly alongside
Serbia.
Middle East After
World War I, admiration was expressed for
American President Woodrow Wilson's promulgation of democracy, freedom and self-determination in the
Fourteen Points and, during
World War II, the high ideals of the
Atlantic Charter received favorable notice. According to
Tamim Ansary, in
Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes (2009), early views of America were mostly positive in the
Middle East and the
Muslim World. In regards to
9/11, a
Gallup poll noted that while most
Muslims (93%) polled opposed the attacks, 'radicals' (7%) supported it, citing in their favor, not religious view points, but disgust at
U.S. policies. In effect, when targeting U.S. or other Western assets in the region, radical armed groups in the Middle East,
Al-Qaeda included, have made reference to U.S. policies and alleged
crimes against humanity to justify their attacks. For example, to explain the
Khobar Towers bombing (in which 19
American airmen were killed), Bin Laden, although proven to have not committed the attack, named U.S. support for Israel in instances of attacks against Muslims, such as the
Sabra and Shatila massacre and the
Qana massacre, as the reasons behind the attack. Al-Qaeda also cited the
U.S. sanctions on and
bombing of Iraq in the
Iraqi no-fly zones (1991–2003), which exacted a large toll in the Arab country's civilian population, as a justification to kill Americans. Although right-wing scholars (e.g. Paul Hollander) have given prominence to the role that religiosity, culture and backwardness play in inflaming anti-Americanism in the region, the poll noted that radicalism among Arabs or Muslims isn't correlated with poverty, backwardness or religiosity. Radicals were in fact shown to be better educated and wealthier than 'moderates'. Wrote Qutb, "They danced to the tunes of the
gramophone, and the dance floor was replete with tapping feet, enticing legs, arms wrapped around waists, lips pressed to lips, and chests pressed to chests. The atmosphere was full of desire..." He offered a distorted chronology of American history and was disturbed by its sexually liberated women: "The American girl is well acquainted with her body's seductive capacity. She knows it lies in the face, and in expressive eyes, and thirsty lips. She knows seductiveness lies in the round breasts, the full buttocks, and in the shapely thighs, sleek legs – and she shows all this and does not hide it". Qutb's writings influenced generations of militants and radicals in the Middle East who viewed America as a cultural temptress bent on overturning traditional customs and morals, especially with respect to the relations between the sexes. Qutb's ideas influenced
Osama bin Laden, an anti-American extremist from
Saudi Arabia, who was the founder of the
Jihadist organization
Al-Qaeda. In conjunction with several other Islamic militant leaders, bin Laden issued two
fatawa –
in 1996 and then again in 1998 – that Muslims should kill military personnel and civilians of the United States until the United States government withdraw military forces from
Islamic countries and withdraw support for Israel. After the 1996 fatwa, entitled "Declaration of War against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places", bin Laden was put on a criminal file by the U.S.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) under an
American Civil War statute which forbids instigating violence and attempting to overthrow the U.S. government. He has also been indicted in
United States federal court for his alleged involvement in the
1998 U.S. embassy bombings in
Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania and
Nairobi,
Kenya, and was on the FBI's
Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list. On 14 January 2009, bin Laden vowed to continue the fight and open up new fronts against the U.S. on behalf of the Islamic world. In 2002 and in mid-2004,
Zogby International polled the favorable/unfavorable ratings of the U.S. in Saudi Arabia,
Egypt,
Jordan,
Lebanon,
Morocco, and the
United Arab Emirates (UAE). In Zogby's 2002 survey, 76% of Egyptians had a negative attitude toward the United States, compared with 98% in 2004. In Morocco, 61% viewed the country unfavorably in 2002, but in two years, that number had jumped to 88 percent. In Saudi Arabia, such responses rose from 87% in 2002 to 94% in 2004. Attitudes were virtually unchanged in Lebanon but improved slightly in the UAE, from 87% who said in 2002 that they disliked the United States to 73% in 2004. However, most of these countries mainly objected to foreign policies that they considered unfair. along with other phrases often represented as anti-American. A 1953
coup which involved the
CIA was cited as a grievance. State-sponsored murals characterized as anti-American dot the streets of
Tehran. It has been suggested that under
Ayatollah Khomeini anti-Americanism was little more than a way to distinguish between domestic supporters and detractors, and even the phrase "
Great Satan" which has previously been associated with anti-Americanism, appears to now signify both the American and
British governments. The
Iran hostage crisis that lasted from 1979 to 1981, in which fifty-two
Americans were held hostage in
Tehran for 444 days, was also a demonstration of anti-Americanism, one which considerably worsened
mutual perceptions between the U.S. and Iran.
Jordan Anti-Americanism is felt very strongly in
Jordan and has been on the rise since at least 2003. Despite the fact that Jordan is one of America's closest allies in the Middle East and the
Government of Jordan is pro-American and pro-Western, the anti-Americanism of
Jordanians is among the highest in the world. Anti-Americanism rose dramatically after the
2003 invasion of Iraq, when a United States-led coalition invaded
Iraq to remove
Saddam Hussein from power. According to several Pew Research Attitudes polls conducted since 2003, 99% of Jordanians viewed the U.S. unfavorably and 82% of Jordanians viewed American people unfavorably. Although 2017 data indicates negative attitudes towards the U.S. and American people have gone down to 82% and 61% respectively, rates of anti-Americanism in Jordan are still among the highest in the world.
Palestinian territories In July 2013,
Palestinian Cleric Ismat Al-Hammouri, a leader of the
Jerusalem-based
Hizb ut-Tahrir, called for the destruction of America,
France,
Britain and
Rome to conquer and destroy the enemies of the "Nation of Islam". He warned:"We warn you, oh America: Take your hands off the Muslims. You have wreaked havoc in
Syria, and before that, in
Afghanistan and in
Iraq, and now in Egypt. Who do you think we are, America? We are the nation of Islam — a giant and mighty nation, which extends from east to west. Soon, we will teach you a political and military lesson,
Allah willing.
Allahu Akbar. All glory to Allah."Al-Hammouri also warned U.S. president Barack Obama that there is an impending rise of a united Muslim empire that will instill religious law on all of its subjects. (Support for Bin Laden reportedly waned by 2006 and by then, the
Saudi population become considerably more pro-American, after Al-Qaeda linked groups staged
attacks inside Saudi Arabia.) The proposal at the Defense Policy Board to 'take
Saudi out of
Arabia' was spread as the secret US plan for the kingdom.
Turkey In 2009, during U.S. president
Barack Obama's visit to Turkey, anti-American protestors held signs saying "Obama, new president of the
American imperialism that is the enemy of the world's people, your hands are also bloody. Get out of our country." Protestors also shouted phrases such as
"Yankee go home" and "Obama go home". A 2017 Pew Research poll indicated that 67% of Turkish respondents held unfavourable views of Americans and 82% disapproved of the spread of American ideas and customs in their country; both percentages were the highest out of all the nations surveyed. Leftist figures such as Mehmet Ali Aybar, who would later become the Chairman of the
Turkish Worker's Party, opposed collaboration with the USA and Turkey, on the grounds that US economic aid would turn Turkey into an "Anglo-Saxon satellite state" as early as 1947. However, there were also growing Anti-American sentiments on the Turkish Right. Conservative newspapers such as Büyük Doğu and Kuvvet also held views that America would in the future meddle in Turkish domestic affairs. Anti-American sentiment spread among more of the public when a law was passed in Turkey that authorized only US officials, to exercise criminal jurisdiction over American personnel in cases where a criminal act had been committed.
The Americas All the countries of
North and
South America (including
Canada, the
United States of America, and
Latin American countries) are often referred to as "
The Americas" in the
Anglosphere. In the U.S. and most countries outside Latin America, the terms "America" and "American" typically refer only to the United States of America and its citizens respectively. In the 1890s Cuban writer
José Martí in an essay, "Our America," alludes to his objection to this usage.
Latin America '' (1896) criticizing U.S. behavior regarding
Cuba by
Manuel Moliné, just prior to the
Spanish–American War. Upper text reads (in old
Catalan): "Uncle Sam's craving", and below: "To keep the island so it won't get lost." Anti-Americanism in Latin America has deep roots and is a key element of the concept of Latin American identity, "specifically anti-U.S. expansionism and
Catholic anti-Protestantism." An 1828 exchange between
William Henry Harrison, the U.S.
minister plenipotentiary rebuked President
Simón Bolívar of
Gran Colombia, saying "... the strongest of all governments is that which is most free", calling on Bolívar to encourage the development of a
democracy. In response, Bolívar wrote, "The United States ... seem destined by Providence to plague America with torments in the name of freedom", a phrase that achieved fame in Latin America. 's
Big Stick interventionism The
Spanish–American War of 1898, which escalated
Cuba's war of independence from
Spain, turned the U.S. into a world power and made
Cuba a
protectorate of the United States via the
Platt Amendment to the Cuban constitution and the
1903 Cuban–American Treaty of Relations. The U.S. action was consistent with the
Big Stick ideology espoused by
Theodore Roosevelt's
corollary to the Monroe Doctrine that led to
numerous interventions in
Central America and the
Caribbean, also prompted hatred of the U.S. in other regions of the Americas. A very influential formulation of Latin-American anti-Americanism, engendered by the 1898 war, was the Uruguayan journalist
José Enrique Rodó's essay
Ariel (1900) in which the spiritual values of the South American
Ariel are contrasted to the brutish mass-culture of the American
Caliban. This essay had enormous influence throughout
Spanish America in the 1910s and 1920s, and prompted resistance to what was seen as American
cultural imperialism. Perceived racist attitudes of the White Anglo-Saxon Protestants of the North toward the
populations of Latin America also caused resentment. , 27 January 2005 The Student Reform that began in the Argentine
University of Cordoba in 1918, boosted the idea of anti-imperialism throughout Latin America, and played a fundamental role for launching the concept that was to be developed over several generations. Already in 1920, the
Federación Universitaria Argentina issued a manifesto entitled
Denunciation of Imperialism. Since the 1940s,
U.S. relations with Argentina have been tense, when the U.S. feared the regime of
General Peron was too close to
Nazi Germany. In 1954, American support for the
1954 Guatemalan coup d'état against the democratically elected President
Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán fueled anti-Americanism in the region. This
CIA-sponsored coup prompted a former president of that country,
Juan José Arévalo to write a fable entitled
The Shark and the Sardines (1961) in which a predatory shark (representing the United States) overawes the sardines of Latin America. In response, President
Dwight D. Eisenhower assembled troops at
Guantanamo Bay and a fleet of battleships in the Caribbean to intervene to rescue Nixon if necessary.
Fidel Castro, the late revolutionary leader of Cuba, tried throughout his career to co-ordinate long-standing Latin American resentments against the USA through military and propagandist means. He was aided in this goal by the failed
Bay of Pigs Invasion of Cuba in 1961, planned and implemented by the American government against his regime. This disaster damaged American credibility in the Americas and gave a boost to its critics worldwide. ,
Che Guevara, one of the iconic images from the
Cuban Revolution and more generally
anti-imperialism. Photo by
Alberto Korda, 1961. Many subsequent U.S. interventions against countries in the region, including democracies, and support for military dictatorships solidified Latin American anti-Americanism. These include the
1964 Brazilian coup d'état, the
1965–1966 occupation of the Dominican Republic, the
1971 Bolivian and
1973 Chilean coup d'états,
U.S. involvement in Argentina's Dirty War,
U.S. involvement in Operation Condor, the
Salvadoran Civil War, the support of the
Contras, the training of future military men, subsequently seen as war criminals, in the
School of the Americas, the refusal to extradite convicted terrorist
Luis Posada Carriles, and U.S. support for dictators such as Paraguayan
Alfredo Stroessner, Haitian
François Duvalier, and pre-1989 Panamanian
Manuel Noriega. This led to a resurgence in support for
Pan-Americanism, support for
popular movements in the region, the
nationalization of key industries and
centralization of government. America's tightening of the economic embargo on Cuba in 1996 and 2004 also caused resentment amongst Latin American leaders and prompted them to use the
Rio Group and the
Madrid-based
Ibero-American Summits as meeting places rather than the United States-dominated
OAS. This trend has been reinforced through the creation of a
series of regional political bodies such as
Unasur and the
Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, and a strong opposition to the materialization of the Washington-sponsored
Free Trade Area of the Americas at the 2005
4th Summit of the Americas. Polls compiled by the
Chicago Council on Global Affairs showed in 2006 Argentine public opinion was quite negative regarding America's role in the world. In 2007, 26% of Argentines had a favorable view of the American people, with 57% having an unfavorable view. Argentine public opinion of the United States and U.S. policies improved during the
Obama administration, and was divided about evenly (42% to 41%) between those who viewed these favorably or unfavorably. The ratio remained stable by 2013, with 38% of Argentines having a favorable view and 40% having an unfavorable view. Furthermore, the renewal of the concession for the U.S. military base in
Manta, Ecuador was met by considerable criticism, derision, and even doubt by the supporters of such an expansion. The near-war sparked by the
2008 Andean diplomatic crisis was expressed by a high-level Ecuadorean military officer as being carried under American auspices. The officer said "a large proportion of senior officers," share "the conviction that the United States was an accomplice in the attack" (launched by the Colombian military on a
FARC camp in Ecuador, near the Colombian border). The Ecuadorean military retaliated by stating the 10-year lease on the base, which expired in November 2009, would not be renewed and that the U.S. military presence was expected to be scaled down starting three months before the expiration date.
Mexico In the 1836
Texas Revolution, the
Mexican province of Texas seceded from
Mexico and nine years later, encouraged by the
Monroe Doctrine and manifest destiny, the United States annexed the
Republic of Texas - at its request, but against vehement opposition by Mexico, which refused to recognize the independence of Texas - and began their expansion into
Western North America. Mexican anti-American sentiment was further inflamed by the resulting 1846–1848
Mexican–American War, in which Mexico lost more than half of its territory to the United States. Interventions by the U.S. prompted a later ruler of Mexico,
Porfirio Diaz, to lament: "Poor Mexico, so far from God, and so close to the United States".
Venezuela slums, Venezuela, often feature political murals with anti-U.S. messages. Since the start of the
Hugo Chávez administration,
relations between Venezuela and the United States deteriorated markedly, as Chávez became highly critical of the
U.S. foreign policy. Chávez was known for his anti-American rhetoric. In a speech at the UN General Assembly, Chávez said that Bush promoted "a false democracy of the elite" and a "democracy of bombs". Chávez opposed the
U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and also condemned the
NATO–led military intervention in Libya, calling it an attempt by the West and the U.S. to control the oil in
Libya. In 2015, the Obama administration signed an executive order which imposed targeted sanctions on seven Venezuelan officials whom the White House argued were instrumental in human rights violations, persecution of political opponents and significant public corruption and said that the country posed an "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States."
Nicolás Maduro responded to the sanctions in a couple of ways. He wrote an open letter in a full page ad in
The New York Times in March 2015, stating that Venezuelans were "friends of the American people" and called President Obama's action of making targeted sanctions on the alleged human rights abusers a "unilateral and aggressive measure". Examples of accusations of human rights abuses from the United States to Maduro's government included the murder of
Luis Manuel Díaz, a political activist, prior to legislative elections in Venezuela. Maduro threatened to sue the United States over an executive order issued by the Obama Administration that declared Venezuela to be a threat to American security. He also planned to deliver 10 million signatures, denouncing the United States' decree declaring the situation in Venezuela an "extraordinary threat to US national security". and ordered all schools in the country to hold an "anti-imperialist day" against the United States with the day's activities including the "collection of the signatures of the students, and teaching, administrative, maintenance and cooking personnel". There were also reports that members of
Venezuelan armed forces and their families were ordered to sign against the United States decree. Political scientist
Kim Richard Nossal highlights the role of the
national myth pushed by
Loyalist refugees who migrated north as a result of the
American Revolution, who portrayed Canada as a community founded on a conscious rejection of the United States. Anti-American sentiment became more entrenched through generations of Canadian-U.S. disputes. with common caricatures often based on half-truths or truths lacking context, and which often reflected public opinion that exists in certain U.S. sectors as well. This sentiment tends to focus on the U.S. government and its policies rather than the American people. Canadians generally view Americans positively, but hold more negative opinions of U.S. leaders and policies. Modern Canadian anti-Americanism is rooted in a mix of tangible nationalistic concerns over American influence and encroachment and intangible negative evaluations of American society in contrast to
Canadian values. Historian
Reginald C. Stuart identified five types of Canadian anti-Americanism that arises from disagreements with the U.S., including policy, anti-
unilateralism, ideological, nationalistic, and partisan. The latter is a political strategy Canadian politicians have used to rally support against perceived external threats.
History of anti-Americanism in Canada Before the American Revolution, colonists in
British America—including the
Thirteen Colonies,
Newfoundland,
Nova Scotia, and
Rupert's Land—and
New France—including
Canada,
Acadia, and
Louisiana—engaged in
four major conflicts, culminating in the British
conquest of New France in 1760. While Quebec and Nova Scotia's inhabitants were primarily neutral, the influx of loyalist refugees from the war brought a population deeply loyal to the Crown and antagonistic to the American political regime that displaced them. This fostered a political community that rejected the American republic in favor of a constitutional monarchical system that evolved from 1774, laying the foundation for Canada's unique constitutional evolution and distinct anti-Americanism not seen elsewhere in the international system. Canadians persistently rejected the United States as a model society, persistently rejected American republicanism as an inappropriate means of governance, and persistently characterized the United States and Americans as a threat to the existence of Canada. The Loyalist ideology of anti-mericanism was built over the course of the nineteenth century, entrenched every generation by fresh quarrels with the United States. Loyalists who sought refuge in Canada brought with them negative views of the new US republic, depicting it as a chaotic land of republican anarchy dominated by money,
mob rule, and violence. Until the mid-19th century, anti-Americanism in Canada stemmed from fears of US expansionism and its promotion of manifest destiny. The
1837–1838 rebellions, which involved pro-American elements and American volunteers, intensified these fears, leading to assaults on Americans in the Canadas. Cultural anti-Americanism also influenced
Canadian English, as Canadians favoured the use of Briticisms over American lexicon especially during periods of heightened tension with the US, such as during the Vietnam War. Efforts by Canadian artists and cultural figures to assert a distinct national identity sometimes veered into cultural chauvinism, contributing to popular anti-American sentiment within the country. The political shift away from economic anti-Americanism came in the 1980s, as Canadian businesses began to support free trade, leading to CUSFTA. By the 1990s, economic anti-Americanism had largely faded, with Granatstein arguing that economic integration made "othering" the Americans less persuasive. However, Stuart argues that after the September 11 attacks, anti-Americanism in Canada diminished as "non-Americanism" became less central to the country's identity and as Canadians' social and cultural outlooks continued to diverge from those of the US. Anti-American sentiment in Canada rose during the
first presidency of Donald Trump. In 2017, Pew Research reported that 30% of Canadians viewed Americans negatively, and 58% opposed the spread of American ideas and customs. This discontent led to organized boycotts of American goods and tourism. Anti-Americanism also increased during the
COVID-19 pandemic, with isolated incidents of vandalism and harassment targeting Americans in Canada taking place in 2020. On February 1, 2025, Trump signed an executive order imposing
25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico, prompting Canada to announce retaliatory tariffs and product removals, triggering the
2025 United States trade war with Canada and Mexico. In the days that followed, Canadian fans at multiple sporting events featuring Canadian and American teams booed the American anthem in protest. A movement to boycott American goods emerged in Canada as a protest against the tariffs. Political scientist Guy Lachapelle observed that the 2025 surge in anti-American sentiment and the boycott of American goods was not against the United States, but more towards the American president Donald Trump. Unlike the philosophical anti-Americanism counterparts in Western Europe, Australian anti-Americanism is rooted in apprehensions about American encroachment. Similar to other Anglophone countries, Australian anti-Americanism is mild and tempered by shared culture, language, and heritage; It also extends to dissatisfaction with U.S. protectionist economic policies, amplified by Australia's trade deficit and dissatisfaction with what Australians perceive as "unfair" American trade practices. The perceived rise in anti-American sentiment was echoed by
Rupert Murdoch, an Australian-born American media mogul and owner of
News Corp, in 2006. While Australian opinion of the U.S. improved in the following years, a 2020
Lowy Institute poll revealed it reverted to 2006 levels due to the U.S.'s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and Trump tariffs. According to a Pew Research poll in 2025, 29% of Australians held a favorable opinion of the United States, down from 40% in 2024, while 71% held an unfavorable opinion, up from 60% in 2024. ==Slogans==