Overview (1866–1871) and the
German Empire (1871–1918) Chancellor
Otto von Bismarck determined the political course of the German Empire until 1890. He fostered alliances in Europe to contain France on the one hand and aspired to consolidate Germany's influence in Europe on the other. His principal domestic policies focused on the suppression of socialism and the reduction of the strong influence of the Roman Catholic Church on its adherents. He issued both the
Anti-Socialist Laws and a set of social laws, including universal health care, pension plans and other social security programs, that were intended to win socialists over to the government's side. His
Kulturkampf policies were vehemently resisted by Catholics, who organized political opposition in the Center Party (Zentrum). German industrial and economic power had grown to match Britain by 1900. In 1888, the young and ambitious Kaiser
Wilhelm II became emperor. He rejected advice from experienced politicians and ordered Bismarck's resignation in 1890. He opposed Bismarck's carefully considered foreign policy and was determined to pursue colonialist policies, as Britain and France had been doing for centuries. The Kaiser promoted the active colonization of Africa and Asia for the lands that were not already colonies of other European powers. The Kaiser took a mostly unilateral approach in Europe only allied with the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and embarked on a dangerous naval arms race with Britain. His aggressive and ill-considered policies greatly contributed to the situation in which the assassination of the Austrian-Hungarian crown prince would spark
World War I.
Bismarck era Bismarck was the dominant personality not just in Germany but in all of Europe and indeed the entire diplomatic world 1870–1890. Historians continue to debate his goals.
Lothar Gall and
Ernst Engelberg consider Bismarck was a future-oriented modernizer. In sharp contrast,
Jonathan Steinberg decided he was basically a traditional Prussian whose highest priorities were to reinforce the monarchy, the Army, and the social and economic dominance of his own Junker class, thereby being responsible for a tragic history after his removal in 1890.
The new empire of the
Palace of Versailles. Bismarck in the center in white. In 1868, the Spanish queen
Isabella II was deposed in the
Glorious Revolution, leaving the country's throne vacant. When Prussia suggested the Hohenzollern candidate,
Prince Leopold as successor, France vehemently objected. The matter evolved into a
diplomatic scandal and in July 1870, France resolved to end it in a
full-scale war. The conflict was quickly decided as Prussia, joined by forces of a pan-German alliance never gave up the tactical initiative. A series of victories in north-eastern France followed and another French army group was simultaneously encircled at Metz. A few weeks later, the French army contingent under Emperor
Napoleon III's personal command was finally forced to capitulate in the
fortress of Sedan. Napoleon was taken prisoner and a
provisional government hastily proclaimed in Paris. The new government resolved to fight on and tried to reorganize the remaining armies while the Germans settled down to besiege Paris. The starving city surrendered in January 1871 and Jules Favre signed the surrender at Versailles. France was forced to pay indemnities of 5 billion francs and cede
Alsace-Lorraine to Germany. This conclusion left the French national psyche deeply humiliated and further aggravated the
French–German enmity. During the
Siege of Paris, the German princes assembled in the
Hall of Mirrors of the
Palace of Versailles on 18 January 1871 and announced the establishment of the
German Empire and proclaimed the Prussian King
Wilhelm I as
German Emperor. The act
unified all ethnic German states with the exception of Austria in the
Little German solution of a federal economic, political and administrative unit. Bismarck was appointed to serve as Chancellor. under construction,
Leipzig, 1912
A federal empire , the main residence of the House of Hohenzollern The new empire was a
federal union of 25 states that varied considerably in size, demography, constitution, economy, culture, religion and socio-political development. However, even Prussia itself, which accounted for two-thirds of the territory as well as of the population, had emerged from the empire's periphery as a newcomer. It also faced colossal cultural and economic internal divisions. The Prussian provinces of Westphalia and the Rhineland for example had been under French control
during the previous decades. The local people, who had benefited from the liberal, civil reforms, that were derived from the ideas of the French Revolution, had only little in common with predominantly rural communities in authoritarian and disjointed
Junker estates of
Pommerania. The inhabitants of the smaller territorial lands, especially in central and southern Germany greatly rejected the Prussianized concept of the nation and preferred to associate such terms with their individual home state. The Hanseatic port cities of Hamburg, Bremen and Lübeck ranked among the most ferocious opponents of the
so-called contract with Prussia. As advocates of free trade, they objected to Prussian ideas of economic integration and refused to sign the renewed
Zollverein (Custom Union) treaties until 1888. The
Hanseatic merchants' overseas economic success corresponded with their globalist mindset. The citizens of Hamburg, whom Bismark characterized as
extremely irritating and the German ambassador in London as
the worst Germans we have, were particularly appalled by Prussian militarism and its unopposed growing influence. The Prusso-German authorities were aware of necessary integration concepts as the results and the 52%
voter turnout of the
first imperial elections had clearly demonstrated. Historians increasingly argue, that the nation-state was
forged through empire. Bismarck's domestic policies as Chancellor of Germany were based on his effort to universally adopt the idea of the Protestant Prussian state and achieve the clear separation of church and state in all imperial principalities. In the
Kulturkampf (lit.: culture struggle) from 1871 to 1878, he tried to minimize the influence of the Roman Catholic Church and its political arm, the
Catholic Centre Party, via secularization of all education and introduction of civil marriage, but without success. The Kulturkampf antagonised many Protestants as well as Catholics and was eventually abandoned. The millions of non-German imperial subjects, like the Polish, Danish and French minorities, were left with no choice but to endure discrimination or accept the policies of
Germanisation.
A three-class system: Aristocracy, middle class, and working class The new Empire provided attractive top level career opportunities for the national nobility in the various branches of the consular and civil services and the army. As a consequence the aristocratic near total control of the civil sector guaranteed a dominant voice in the decision making in the universities and the churches. The 1914 German diplomatic corps consisted of 8 princes, 29 counts, 20 barons, 54 representants of the lower nobility and a mere 11 commoners. These commoners were indiscriminately recruited from elite industrialist and banking families. The consular corps employed numerous commoners, that however, occupied positions of little to no executive power. The Prussian tradition to reserve the highest military ranks for young aristocrats was adopted and the new
constitution put all military affairs under the direct control of the Emperor and beyond control of the
Reichstag. With its large corps of reserve officers across Germany, the military strengthened its role as
"The estate which upheld the nation", and historian
Hans-Ulrich Wehler added:
"it became an almost separate, self-perpetuating caste". Power increasingly was centralized among the 7000 aristocrats, who resided in the national capital of
Berlin and neighboring Potsdam. Berlin's rapidly increasing rich middle-class copied the aristocracy and tried to marry into it. A peerage could permanently boost a rich industrial family into the upper reaches of the establishment. However, the process tended to work in the other direction as the nobility became industrialists. For example, 221 of the 243 mines in Silesia were owned by nobles or by the King of Prussia himself. The
middle class in the cities grew exponentially, although it never acquired the powerful parliamentary representation and legislative rights as in France, Britain or the United States. The
Association of German Women's Organizations or BDF was established in 1894 to encompass the proliferating women's organizations that had emerged since the 1860s. From the beginning the BDF was a
bourgeois organization, its members working toward equality with men in such areas as education, financial opportunities, and political life. Working-class women were not welcome and were organized by the Socialists. The rise of the Socialist Workers' Party (later known as the
Social Democratic Party of Germany, SPD), aimed to peacefully establish a socialist order through the transformation of the existing political and social conditions. From 1878, Bismarck tried to oppose the growing social democratic movement by
outlawing the party's organisation, its assemblies and most of its newspapers. Nonetheless, the Social Democrats grew stronger and Bismarck initiated his
social welfare program in 1883 in order to appease the working class. Bismarck built on a tradition of welfare programs in Prussia and Saxony that began as early as the 1840s. In the 1880s he introduced old age pensions, accident insurance, medical care, and unemployment insurance that formed the basis of the modern
European welfare state. His paternalistic programs won the support of German industry because its goals were to win the support of the working classes for the Empire and reduce the outflow of immigrants to America, where wages were higher but welfare did not exist. Bismarck further won the support of both industry and skilled workers by his high tariff policies, which protected profits and wages from American competition, although they alienated the liberal intellectuals who wanted free trade.
Kulturkampf Bismarck would not tolerate any power outside Germany—as in Rome—having a say in domestic affairs. He launched the
Kulturkampf ("culture war") against the power of the pope and the Catholic Church in 1873, but only in the state of Prussia. This gained strong support from German liberals, who saw the Catholic Church as the bastion of reaction and their greatest enemy. The Catholic element, in turn, saw in the
National-Liberals the worst enemy and formed the
Center Party. Catholics, although nearly a third of the national population, were seldom allowed to hold major positions in the Imperial government, or the Prussian government. After 1871, there was a systematic purge of the remaining Catholics; in the powerful interior ministry, which handled all police affairs, the only Catholic was a messenger boy. Jews were likewise heavily discriminated against. Most of the Kulturkampf was fought out in Prussia, but Imperial Germany passed the
Pulpit Law which made it a crime for any cleric to discuss public issues in a way that displeased the government. Nearly all Catholic bishops, clergy, and laymen rejected the legality of the new laws and defiantly faced the increasingly heavy penalties and imprisonments imposed by Bismarck's government. Historian Anthony Steinhoff reports the casualty totals: As of 1878, only three of eight Prussian dioceses still had bishops, some 1,125 of 4,600 parishes were vacant, and nearly 1,800 priests ended up in jail or in exile ... Finally, between 1872 and 1878, numerous Catholic newspapers were confiscated, Catholic associations and assemblies were dissolved, and Catholic civil servants were dismissed merely on the pretence of having Ultramontane sympathies. Bismarck underestimated the resolve of the Catholic Church and did not foresee the extremes that this struggle would attain. The Catholic Church denounced the harsh new laws as anti-Catholic and mustered the support of its rank and file voters across Germany. In the following elections, the Center Party won a quarter of the seats in the Imperial Diet. The conflict ended after 1879 because Pope Pius IX died in 1878 and Bismarck broke with the Liberals to put his main emphasis on tariffs, foreign policy, and
attacking socialists. Bismarck negotiated with the conciliatory new pope
Leo XIII. Peace was restored, the bishops returned and the jailed clerics were released. Laws were toned down or taken back, but the laws concerning education, civil registry of marriages and religious disaffiliation remained in place. The Center Party gained strength and became an ally of Bismarck, especially when he attacked socialism. Historians have cited the campaign against the Catholic church, as well as a similar campaign against the
Social Democratic Party, as leaving a lasting influence on the German consciousness, whereby national unity can be encouraged by excluding or persecuting a minority. This strategy, later referred to as "negative integration", set a tone of either being loyal to the government or an enemy of the state, which directly influenced German nationalist sentiment and the later Nazi movement.
Foreign policies and relations of Germany, Austria and Italy in 1913 Chancellor Bismarck's imperial foreign policy basically aimed at security and the prevention of a Franco-Russian alliance, in order to avoid a likely
Two-front war. The
League of Three Emperors was signed in 1873 by Russia, Austria, and Germany. It stated that
republicanism and
socialism were common enemies and that the three powers would discuss any matters concerning foreign policy. Bismarck needed good relations with Russia in order to keep France isolated. Russia fought a victorious
war against the Ottoman Empire from 1877 to 1878 and attempted to
establish the
Principality of Bulgaria, that was strongly opposed by France and Britain in particular, as they were long concerned with the preservation of the
Ottoman Empire and Russian containment at the
Bosphorus Strait and the Black Sea. Germany hosted the
Congress of Berlin in 1878, where a more moderate peace settlement was agreed upon. In 1879, Germany formed the
Dual Alliance with Austria-Hungary, an agreement of mutual military assistance in the case of an attack from Russia, which was not satisfied with the agreement of the Congress of Berlin. The establishment of the Dual Alliance led Russia to take a more conciliatory stance and in 1887, the so-called
Reinsurance Treaty was signed between Germany and Russia. In it, the two powers agreed on mutual military support in the case that France attacked Germany or an Austrian attack on Russia. Russia turned its attention eastward to Asia and remained largely inactive in European politics for the next 25 years. In 1882, Italy, seeking supporters for its interests in
North Africa against France's colonial policy, joined the Dual Alliance, which became the
Triple Alliance. In return for German and Austrian support, Italy committed itself to assisting Germany in the case of a French attack. Bismarck had always argued that the acquisition of overseas colonies was impractical and the burden of administration and maintenance would outweigh the benefits. Eventually, Bismarck gave way, and a number of colonies were established in Africa (
Togo, the
Cameroons,
German South-West Africa, and
German East Africa) and in
Oceania (
German New Guinea, the
Bismarck Archipelago, and the
Marshall Islands). Consequently, Bismarck initiated the
Berlin Conference of 1885, a formal meeting of the European colonial powers, who sought to "established international guidelines for the acquisition of African territory" (see
Colonisation of Africa). Its outcome, the
General Act of the Berlin Conference, can be seen as the formalisation of the "Scramble for Africa" and "
New Imperialism".
Wilhelminian Era (1888–1918) Wilhelm II " – British editorial cartoon depicting Bismarck's dismissal by Wilhelm II in 1890 Emperor William I died in 1888. His son
Frederick III, open for a more liberal political course, reigned only for ninety-nine days, as he was stricken with throat cancer and died three months after his coronation. His son
Wilhelm II followed him on the throne at the age of 29. Wilhelm rejected the liberal ideas of his parents and embarked on a conservative autocratic rule. He early on decided to replace the political elite and in March 1890 he forced chancellor Bismarck into retirement. Following his principle of "Personal Regiment", Wilhelm was determined to exercise maximum influence on all government affairs.
Alliances and diplomacy The young
Kaiser Wilhelm set out to apply his imperialist ideas of
Weltpolitik (, "world politics"), as he envisaged a gratuitously aggressive political course to increase the empire's influence in and control over the world. After the removal of Bismarck, foreign policies were tackled with by the Kaiser and the Federal Foreign Office under
Friedrich von Holstein. Wilhelm's increasingly erratic and reckless conduct was unmistakably related to character deficits and the lack of diplomatic skills. The foreign office's rather sketchy assessment of the current situation and its recommendations for the empire's most suitable course of action were: First a long-term coalition between France and Russia had to fall apart, secondly, Russia and Britain would never get together, and finally, Britain would eventually seek an alliance with Russia. Subsequently, Wilhelm refused to renew the
Reinsurance Treaty with Russia. Russia promptly formed a closer relationship with France in the
Dual Alliance of 1894, as both countries were concerned about the novel disagreeability of Germany. Furthermore, Anglo–German relations provided, from a British point of view, no basis for any consensus as the Kaiser refused to divert from his, although somewhat peculiarly desperate and anachronistic, aggressive imperial engagement and the
naval arms race in particular. Holstein's analysis proved to be mistaken on every point and Wilhelm failed too, as he did not adopt a nuanced political dialogue. Germany was left gradually isolated and dependent on the
Triple Alliance, with Austria-Hungary and Italy. This agreement was hampered by differences between Austria and Italy and in 1915 Italy left the alliance. In 1897, Admiral
Alfred von Tirpitz, state secretary of the
German Imperial Naval Office devised his initially rather practical, yet nonetheless
ambitious plan to build a sizeable naval force. Although basically posing only an indirect threat as a
Fleet in being, Tirpitz theorized, that its mere existence would force Great Britain, dependent on unrestricted movement on the seas, to agree to diplomatic compromises. Tirpitz started the program of warship construction in 1898 and enjoyed the full support of Kaiser Wilhelm. Wilhelm entertained less rational ideas on the fleet, that circled around his romantic childhood dream to have a "fleet of own some day" and his obsessive adherence to direct his policies along the line of
Alfred Thayer Mahan's work
The Influence of Sea Power upon History. In exchange for the eastern African island of
Zanzibar, Germany had bargained the island of
Heligoland in the
German Bight with Britain in 1890, and converted the island into a naval base and installed immense coastal defense batteries. Britain considered the imperial German endeavours to be a dangerous infringement on the century-old delicate balance of global affairs and trade on the seas under British control. The British, however, resolved to keep up the
naval arms race and introduced the highly advanced new
Dreadnought battleship concept in 1907. Germany quickly adopted the concept and by 1910 the arms race again escalated. In the
First Moroccan Crisis of 1905, Germany nearly clashed with Britain and France when the latter attempted to establish a protectorate over Morocco. Kaiser Wilhelm II was upset at having not been informed about French intentions, and declared their support for Moroccan independence. William II made a highly provocative speech regarding this. The following year, a conference was held in which all of the European powers except Austria-Hungary (by now little more than a German satellite) sided with France. A compromise was brokered by the United States where the French relinquished some, but not all, control over Morocco. The
Second Moroccan Crisis of 1911 saw another dispute over Morocco erupt when France tried to suppress a revolt there. Germany, still smarting from the previous quarrel, agreed to a settlement whereby the French ceded some territory in central Africa in exchange for Germany's renouncing any right to intervene in Moroccan affairs. This confirmed French control over Morocco, which became a full protectorate of that country in 1912.
Economy chemical factories in
Ludwigshafen, 1881 By 1890, the economy continued to industrialize and grow on an even higher rate than during the previous two decades and increased dramatically in the years leading up to World War I. Growth rates for the individual branches and sectors often varied considerably, and periodical figures provided by the
Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt ("Imperial Statistical Bureau) are often disputed or just assessments. Classification and naming of internationally traded commodities and exported goods was still in progress and the structure of production and export had changed during four decades. Published documents provide numbers such as: The proportion of goods manufactured by the modern industry was approximately 25% in 1900, while the proportion of consumer related products in manufactured exports stood at 40%. Reasonably exact are the figures for the entire industrial production between 1870 and 1914, which increased about 500%. Historian J. A. Perkins argued that more important than Bismarck's new tariff on imported grain was the introduction of the sugar beet as a main crop. Farmers quickly abandoned traditional, inefficient practices in favor of modern methods, including the use of artificial fertilizers and mechanical tools. Intensive methodical farming of sugar and other root crops made Germany the most efficient agricultural producer in Europe by 1914. Even so, farms were usually small in size and women did much of the field work. An unintended consequence was the increased dependence on migratory, especially foreign, labor. The basics of the modern chemical research laboratory layout and the introduction of essential equipment and instruments such as
Bunsen burners, the
Petri dish, the
Erlenmeyer flask, task-oriented working principles and team research originated in 19th-century Germany and France. The organisation of knowledge acquisition was further refined by laboratory integration in research institutes of the universities and the industries. Germany acquired the leading role in the world's
chemical industry by the late 19th century through strictly organized methodology. In 1913, the German chemical industry produced almost 90 per cent of the global supply of
dyestuffs and sold about 80 per cent of its production abroad. Germany became Europe's leading steel-producing nation in the 1890s, thanks in large part to the protection from American and British competition afforded by tariffs and cartels. The leading firm was "Friedrich Krupp AG Hoesch-Krupp", run by the
Krupp family. The merger of several major firms into the
Vereinigte Stahlwerke (United Steel Works) in 1926 was modeled on the
U.S. Steel corporation in the United States. The new company emphasized rationalization of management structures and modernization of the technology; it employed a multi-divisional structure and used return on investment as its measure of success. By 1913, American and German exports dominated the world steel market, as Britain slipped to third place. In machinery, iron and steel, and other industries, German firms avoided cut-throat competition and instead relied on trade associations. Germany was a world leader because of its prevailing "corporatist mentality", its strong bureaucratic tradition, and the encouragement of the government. These associations regulate competition and allowed small firms to function in the shadow of much larger companies.
Colonies in 1914 By the 1890s, German colonial expansion in Asia and the Pacific (
Kiauchau in China, the
Marianas, the
Caroline Islands,
Samoa) led to frictions with Britain, Russia, Japan and the United States. The construction of the
Baghdad Railway, financed by German banks, was designed to eventually connect Germany with the Turkish Empire and the
Persian Gulf, but it also collided with British and Russian geopolitical interests. The largest colonial enterprises were in Africa. The harsh treatment of the
Nama and
Herero in what is now
Namibia in Africa in 1906–1907 led to charges of genocide against the Germans. Historians are examining the links and precedents between the
Herero and Nama genocide and the
Holocaust of the 1940s. Other claimed territories of the German Colonial Empire are:
Bear Island (occupied in 1899), Togo-Hinterlands,
German Somali Coast, Katanga Territories,
Pondoland (failed attempt by ), Nyassaland (
Mozambique), Southwestern Madagascar, Santa Lucia Bay (
South Africa) (failed attempt in 1884), and the
Farasan Islands.
World War I Causes Ethnic demands for nation states upset the balance between the empires that dominated Europe,
leading to World War I, which started in August 1914. Germany stood behind its ally Austria in a confrontation with Serbia, but Serbia was under the protection of Russia, which was allied to France. Germany was the leader of the Central Powers, which included Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and later Bulgaria; arrayed against them were the Allies, consisting chiefly of Russia, France, Britain, and in 1915 Italy. In explaining why neutral Britain went to war with Germany, author Paul M. Kennedy recognized it was critical for war that Germany become economically more powerful than Britain, but he downplays the disputes over economic trade imperialism, the Baghdad Railway, confrontations in Central and Eastern Europe, high-charged political rhetoric and domestic pressure-groups. Germany's reliance time and again on sheer power, while Britain increasingly appealed to moral sensibilities, played a role, especially in seeing the invasion of Belgium as a necessary military tactic or a profound moral crime. The German invasion of Belgium was not important because the British decision had already been made and the British were more concerned with the fate of France. Kennedy argues that by far the main reason was London's fear that a repeat of 1870 – when Prussia and the German states smashed France – would mean that Germany, with a powerful army and navy, would control the English Channel and northwest France. British policy makers insisted that would be a catastrophe for British security.
Western Front In the west, Germany sought a quick victory by encircling Paris using the
Schlieffen Plan. This plan failed due to unexpectedly strong Belgian resistance, Berlin's diversion of troops, and very stiff French resistance during the
First Battle of the Marne, north of Paris. The
Western Front became an extremely bloody battleground of
trench warfare. The stalemate lasted from 1914 until early 1918, with ferocious battles that moved forces a few hundred yards at best for thousands of casualties along a line that stretched from the
North Sea to the Swiss border. The British imposed
a tight naval blockade in the North Sea which lasted until 1919, sharply reducing Germany's overseas access to raw materials and foodstuffs. Food scarcity became a serious problem by 1917. The United States joined with the Allies in April 1917. The entry of the United States into the war – following Germany's declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare – marked a decisive turning-point against Germany. Total casualties on the Western Front were 3,528,610 killed and 7,745,920 wounded.
Eastern Front More wide open was the fighting on the
Eastern Front. In the east, Germany managed to score decisive victories against the Russian army, including the trapping and destruction of large parts of the Russian 2nd army at the
Battle of Tannenberg, followed by huge Austrian and German successes. Although the Russians enjoyed some success during the
Brusilov offensive,
capturing significant amounts of Austro-Hungarian territory, the eventual breakdown of Russian forces – exacerbated by internal turmoil caused by the 1917
Russian Revolution – led to the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk the Bolsheviks were forced to sign on 3 March 1918 as Russia withdrew from the war. It gave Germany control of Eastern Europe. Spencer Tucker says, "The German General Staff had formulated extraordinarily harsh terms that shocked even the German negotiator." When Germany later complained that the
Treaty of Versailles of 1919 was too harsh on them, the Allies responded that it was more benign than Brest-Litovsk.
1918 By defeating Russia in 1917, Germany was able to transfer hundreds of thousands of combat troops from the east to the Western Front, giving it a numerical advantage over the Allies. By retraining the soldiers in new
storm-trooper tactics, the Germans hoped to break the stalemate on the Battlefield and win a decisive victory before the American army could arrive in force. However, the spring offensives all failed, as the Allies fell back and regrouped, and the Germans lacked the reserves necessary to consolidate their gains. In the summer, with the Americans arriving at 10,000 a day, and the German reserves exhausted, it was only a matter of time before multiple Allied offenses destroyed the German army.
Homefront Although war was not expected in 1914, Germany rapidly mobilized its civilian economy for the war effort, the economy was handicapped by the British blockade that cut off food supplies. Steadily conditions deteriorated rapidly on the home front, with severe food shortages reported in all urban areas. Causes involved the transfer of many farmers and food workers into the military, an overburdened railroad system, shortages of coal, and especially the British blockade that cut off imports from abroad. The winter of 1916–1917 was known as the "turnip winter", because that vegetable, usually fed to livestock, was used by people as a substitute for potatoes and meat, which were increasingly scarce. Thousands of soup kitchens were opened to feed the hungry people, who grumbled that the farmers were keeping the food for themselves. Even the army had to cut the rations for soldiers. Morale of both civilians and soldiers continued to sink. According to historian
William H. McNeill: :By 1917, after three years of war, the various groups and bureaucratic hierarchies which had been operating more or less independently of one another in peacetime (and not infrequently had worked at cross purposes) were subordinated to one (and perhaps the most effective) of their number: the General Staff. Military officers controlled civilian government officials, the staffs of banks, cartels, firms, and factories, engineers and scientists, workingmen, farmers-indeed almost every element in German society; and all efforts were directed in theory and in large degree also in practice to forwarding the war effort. 1918 was the year of the deadly
1918 Spanish Flu pandemic which struck hard at a population weakened by years of malnutrition.
Revolution 1918–1919 in Compiègne, 11 November 1918 In October 1918,
General Ludendorff, who wanted to protect the reputation of the Imperial Army by placing responsibility for the capitulation on the democratic parties and the
Imperial Reichstag, pushed for the government to be democratised. A new
chancellor was appointed, members of the Reichstag's majority parties were brought into the cabinet for the first time and the
constitution modified. The moves did not, however, satisfy either the
Allies or the majority of German citizens. The
German revolution of 1918–1919 began on 3 November with a
sailor's mutiny at Kiel which spread rapidly and all but bloodlessly across Germany. Within a week,
workers' and soldiers' councils were in control of government and military institutions across most of the Reich. On 9 November, Germany was
declared a republic. The following day, the
Council of the People's Deputies, formed from members of Germany's two main socialist parties, began acting as the provisional government. By the end of the month, all of Germany's
ruling monarchs, including Emperor Wilhelm II, who had fled to exile in the Netherlands, had been forced to abdicate. In early January 1919, the
Spartacist uprising led by the newly founded
Communist Party of Germany attempted to take power in Berlin, but it was quashed by government and
Freikorps troops. Into the spring there were additional violently suppressed efforts to push the revolution further in the direction of a
council republic, such as the short-lived local soviet republics, notably in
Bavaria (
Munich). They too were put down with considerable loss of life. The revolution's end is generally set at 11 August 1919, the day the
Weimar Constitution was signed following its adoption by the popularly elected
Weimar National Assembly, Even though the widespread violence largely ended in 1919, the revolution remained in many ways incomplete. A large number of its opponents had been left in positions of power in the military and the Reich administration, and it failed to resolve the fracture in the Left between moderate socialists and communists. The Weimar Republic as a result was beset from the beginning by opponents from both the Left and – to a greater degree – the Right. ==Weimar Republic, 1918–1933==